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FIRST 



ANNUAL REPORT 



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OF THE 



NEW YORK STATE A^ITI-SLAVr.-RV <Tmv\v^v 



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PRINTED AT T II E 

STANDARD & DEMOCRAT OFFICE, 

fiO. SIX, VtHITESBORo' STREET, UTICA, N. 7. 

MDCCCXXXV. 



3 jSliot'ts.— Postage, under 100 miles, <i l^'fe cts. ; over lOOjnilcs, 7 1-2 cts. 



PROCEEDINGS 



or THE 



XEWTORK A]STI-SL AVERT COyT'EXTIOy, 



HELD AT 



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NE^^ YORK ANTI-SL^WERY STATE SOCIETY, 



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Peterbopo*. October S2. 1^95. 



PSlKTEt* AT THE 

STAXDARDfe DEMOCRAT OFFICE, 

T:0. six. -WHITES^OSlo" SnULET, TTICA, K. T- 



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MINUTES. 



Proceedings of a Convention of Delegates, assembled from various parts 
of the State of New York, at Utica, in the County of Oneida, on 
Wednesday, the 2lst of October, 1835, at ten o'clock A. M., in the 
Bleecker Street Church, agreeable to the folloicing call : — 

TO THE FRIENDS OF IMMEDIATE EMANCIPATION IN 
THE STATE OF NEW YORK. 

"If the cordial co-operation and energetic action of the friends of 
human rights were ever demanded, by the condition of our country 
and the wrongs of our fellow men, they are so at the present moment. 
The friends of immediate emancipation, standing as they do on the 
firm ground of those immutable principles, which are the basis of all 
true freedom, owe it to tlie cause of truth and justice to adopt such 
measures, as shall vindicate the doctrines of American liberty, and 
prevent our valued republican institutions from becoming a cloak to 
the most odious and irresponsible despotism. It is plain that the 
privileges of the free are now doomed as a sacrifice on the altar of 
perpetual slavery. The whole American people are bound together 
by common interests and obligations, and it would seem as if a right- 
eous providence has doomed lliat we shall speedily be all free or all 
slaves together. 

'' Believing that we have a high duty to perform in this crisis, and 
that iapo.ii the issue of the present conflict depend both the destinies 
of human liberty and the blessings of our holy religion, we desire to 
meet the occasion as becomes men, christians, and Americans. For 
the purpose of promoting a more extended co-operation and a more 
vigorous action in this holy cause, we therefore invite a State Con- 
vention, of the friends of immediate emancipation, to be held in the 
city of Utica, on Wednesday the 21st of October next, at 10 o'clock 
A. M., for the purpose of forming a State Anti-Slavery Society, for 
the State of New York. All anti-slavery societies, recognizing I he 
duty of immediate emancipation, are invited to send delegates. In 
places where no society is organized, those friendly to the cause are 
invited to meet and choose delegates. Individuals throughout the 
state and from other states holding the principles of the American 
Anti-Slavery Society, and willing to co-operate in their support and 
extension, are invited to seats in the Convention." 

The above call was signed by four hundred and thirty-eight gen- 
tlemen, from various parts of the state. 



At 10 o'clock, A. M., the Convention was called to order, by Al- 
ran Stewart, Esq., of Utica, and, on motion, the Hon. Henry Brew- 
STKR, of Riga, Monroe co., was called to the Chair, and Rev. Oliver " 
Wetmore, of Utica, appointed Secretary. 

Prayer was then addressed to the Throne of Grace, by the Sec- 
retary of the Convention. 

Alvax Stewart, Esq. of Utica, rose and said, that with the con- 
sent of the Convention, he would trespass a lew moments upon the 
time of this numerous and honorable bo^dy. 

Mr. S. said this was the iirst Convention which had ever assem- 
bled in the United States, under such a remarkable state of facts as 
those which seem to distinguish this from all public bodies of men 
who have ever met in this Tand before. For the last forty days, at 
least three hundred public presses have poured a continued shower 
of abuse upon the individuals who called this Convention; charac- 
terized bv a spirit of vengeance and violence, knowing and propo- 
sing nothing but the bitterness of invective, and the cruelty of bloody 
persecution. He said, our enemies have sent their slanders against 
us, whispering across the diameter of the globe, telling the haughty 
and sneering minions of absolutism on the other side of the v.orld, 
that the sons of the Pilgrims had proved recreant to their lotty line- 
age, unfaithful to their high destiny, untrue to the last hopes of man. 
''Said Mr. S., is it true that the philanthropy which Avarms our hearts 
into action for the suffering slave, can exile our patriotism, and pre- 
pare our souls for the most heaven daring guilt? Is it true because 
we feel for bleeding humanity, that it makes us cruel ? Can pity 
produce it ? Can love beget hate ] Can an affectionate respect and 
kind feeling for all the human beings whose lot Providence has cast 
hi these twenty-four States, be evidence that we wish to cut the throats 
of two and a" half millions of our white neighbors, friends, brethren 
and countrymen 1 Does a generous regard for the injured slave, 
imply hatred for the master? If so, the converse of the proposition 
must be true ; that to love the master implies hatred to the slave. 
Neither proposition is true, yet the enemies of this Convention have 
acted towards us as though" these propositions had the assurance of 
certainty, as much as we have on a clear day at 12 o'clock at noon, 
that the sun shines on the world. 

Said Mr. S., we have been proclaimed traitors to our own dear 
native land, because we love its inhabitants. Our humanity is trea- 
son, our philanthrophy is incendiarism, our pity for the convulsive 
yearnings of down trodden man is fanaticism, our treason is the trea- 
son of Franklin and Jay, our fanaticism is the fanaticism of Eari 
Grey and Lord Brougham, and the majority of the wisest heads in 
proud old England, our sentiments are those expressed by AMlham 
Wirt, Patrick Henry, and Thomas Jefferson. 

Our creed is to be found in the two great witnesses of God's re- 
vealed will to man, the old and new testaments. The Declaration of 
Independenf-e. the Constitutions of our countiy, and the laws passed 



under thorn, we make the rule of our conduct, in inipartiua; our sen- 
timents to others, on the subject of slaver3% 

Mr. S. said, the enemies ol" our noble sentiments and elevated in- 
tentions, have resorted to the old heathen track of misrepresentation, 
and b}' adding to our code views never promulgated by us, by charg- 
ing us with intentions never harbored, with expectations never cher- 
ished, and as remote from the mind of an abolitionist, as infidelitv in 
from the conscience of piety, as meanness is from generosity, as big- 
otry is from charity, as truth from falsehood, as freedom from slave- 
ry. They would ^.un make us unfit for this world. We arc not 
judged by evidence drawn from our own declarations or acts, but by 
acts \\hich our wily adversaries prophecy, we w-ili do or commit at 
some future period of time ; and thus they lift the curtain ^Thich shuts 
from all mortal eyes, except prophets, the great unbounded future ; 
and by looking down the vale of time they behold us engaged in the 
diabolical and blood thirsty work of procuring lav.s passed to abolish 
slavery in the district of Columbia, and the slave territories, and in 
this way knocking the fetters, from the bondman, which our adversa- 
ries call treason, calculated to dissolve the Union. 

What Union? I doubt not tliat you may see some of these union 
patriots here to-day, who would take your life, and mine, and every 
member of this Convention, and in so doing, think they had done 
their master a service, and lift up their hand for eternal and unmitiga- 
ted slavery to every colored man, woman and child, in the United 
States, and throw into the same pile all who differed with them in 
sentiment to promote the interest of their master. These are the pat- 
riotic Unionists, v.ho secretly wish to dissolve the union, by pern)it- 
ting the great cancer to grow on the neck of the union without at- 
tempting its cure or removal. These are the friends of the union 
who are willing to see tv.-o and a half millions of men, women and chil- 
dren, sacrificed to the demon of slavery, according to the Avritten pro- 
visions of the Constitution, which these unionists seem to suppose 
imalterable. These unionists are willing to destroy you and me Mr. 
Chairman, because we are not terrified at the roaring of the slave- 
holders ; because we feel for two and a half millions of men, women 
and children, who are now being ofiered at the shrine of cruelty, lust 
and avarice. These lovers of the union refuse to hear the loud la- 
mentations of bitter sorrow and hopeless grief ; which, like the voice 
of a mighty flood, ascends dav and night from every plantation, every 
factory, every corn-field, every rice-field, every tobacco-fi.eld, every 
cotton-field, and every kitchen of eleven States ; and penetrates the 
ear of God. 

Mr. S. said, the slaves never held a convention on the subject of 
their wrongs, they never met to petition for a redress of grievances, 
or to remonstrate against the manifold injuries by which they are bro- 
ken down. No, his petition w as never read within the walls of legis- 
lation. Solemn thought. Even to us who for a moment, have be- 
come his mouth-piece to tell his wrongs to the world, and demand 



6 

redress ; we, even we, white skin republicans, appear to be on tiic 
eve ot' losing our rights as white men, from having, from the deepest 
impulses of humanity, become the slave's organ, to explain to an un- 
feeling world, the wrongs inflicted upon him. If white men in non- 
slaveholding States encounter so much noise, violence and injury, in 
barely pleading the cause of the slave, before those who have no in- 
terest in the slave's body, and v.hose only interest is to cringe and 
flatter the master of the slave, what must be the condition of the poor 
slave left to plead his own cause against his own master ; that master 
who is led sumptuously every day, and clothed in purple and fine lin- 
en, by the unpaid labor of that slave ? ^Vhen will the glutton, the 
wine bibber, the adulterous, the avaricious, listen to the voice of the 
unaided slave I 

But, said Mr. S., some say the slaves can be set free some twenty 
04* thfity years hence ; ah ! will men have less wants, more justice and 
humanity then than nov/? No \ Again, if it is right to liberate slaves 
fifty years hence, the right is the same now, for there will be human 
beings in the world then, who will claim the slaves by a long line of 
descent, who will have as many wants to supply v.ith slave labor, as 
men have now. The sun will shine as hot, the rice-lands will be as 
unhealthy then as now. 

Said Mr. S., but we are told by our enemies that they love the 
slave as well as we do ; and then, Avith the next word, insult and 
abuse us, for telling the world his wrongs, or attempting any redress. 

Mr. S. said, he confessed that this was a new mode of manifest- 
ing an equality of love. But perhaps we do not understand our op- 
ponents, they may mean that they hate slavery in the abstract, and 
also hate all means that may be used for its abolition ; perhaps they 
mean they hate slavery in the abstract, but love it in the detail ; or 
perhaps they mean that they hate abstract slavery and mean to de- 
stroy abstract slavery by hating all white men in favor of its abolition ; 
perhaps they hate slavery in the al)stract, but love the man who causes 
it, — in detail, so well, that abstract hatred for one purpose, becomes 
pure love for another. 

Said Mr. S, a man might as well say that abstractly, he hated mur- 
der, adultery, swearing and stealing, but that he loved the murderer, 
the adidterer, swearer and thief. Away with such Northern Jesuit- 
iism, which is opposed to abstract slavery, but in favor of, and ready 
to kill any one who wishes to change the present posture of slavery as 
it practically exists. Oh ! shame, hast thou not a new blush for such 
conscience ruining sophistry? The same ingenuous and wretched 
distinction has been taken by political metaphysicians, who are wil- 
ling to barter American liberty to get gold and power, on the subject 
of free discussion, the summer past. Anti-Abolitionists at the North 
say they believe in free discussion, in the abstract, and will not allow 
it to be draMn in question ; but this means, as we find it interpreted 
and translated in the dictionary of daily experience that each man 
may discuss slavery, or any thin<f else in the silent chambers of his 



own heart, but must not discuss it in public, us it uiav then piovokr 
n syllogism of leathers, or a deduction oi' tar. An abolitionist may 
have the abstract right of discussion, but it must be disconnected 
with time, or place, if a majority of his neighbors differ with him, 
there is no place u-here or time v:hen that he may discuss. This ab- 
stract discussion requires an abstract place, and abstract time ; tho 
abstract place must mean the solitude of the wilderness, or loneli- 
ness of the ocean ; and the abstract time must mean some portions 
of the pa.?;; or future, as it is never ihe present. 

The liberty of an abolition press is to be silent, the liberty of con- 
science for an abolitionist, is to think to himself, or else to think like 
his slave-loving neighbor, or stop thinking. 

The threat of dissolving the Union, is the univex-sal medicine for 
every political difficulty, at tho south. One day, Georgia threatens 
the dissolution on account of her Indian territory, gold mines, and 
state jurisdiction, and the missionaries ; then, again, the poor Union 
Avas to bo dissolved by the post-office robbing-South Carolina to 
vindicate the beauties of nuUihcation. 

Then, again, this Union was to have been dissolved in 1S28, 1830, 
1831, and 1832, at four distinct periods, within a short space of time, 
because the tariff laws were not made to suit certain slave states ; 
but this noble Union held together, we did not hear of a single raf- 
ter or brace flinching. In 1835, the Union is to be again dissolved, 
and charged in account current to abolition. 

The joke of it all is, that northern men professed to be frightened 
to death, every time the negro-driver cried, " dissolve the Union.'''' — 
As well might a man who lived in a powder-house, every time he be- 
came angry, call for fire-brands. Let southern men dissolve this 
Union, if they dare, slavery would then take care of itself, and its 
masters too, in one little month. Both would become extinct. No ; 
oh, deceived northern man, the southern man will be the last to dis- 
solve this Union ; by it, he expects to enjoy his slaves ; without it, 
he cannot one day. But the wily politician of the south has discov- 
ered the ghost that never fails to frighten the north ; and the north 
has been kept in a political sweat, for the last ten or twelve years, for 
fear the men, who could not exist as slave-holders, without this Un- 
ion, would dissolve it. 

It seems despotism is threatened by the south, unless thirteen free 
states, disfigure and disgrace their statute books, with bloody laws 
to protect slavery, forbidding abolitionists to speak, write, or publish 
any thing against slavery ; or petition for its abolition in the District 
of Columbia, under heavy penalties. The despotism of which laws 
woidd so far exceed any in Russia or Turkey, that Nicholas and tho 
grand Signer, would recoil with instinctive abhorrence, from so foul 
an insult to our common humanity. So it is not enough, that eleven 
states should bend their backs under the shameful load of slavery, 
with .statute books l)lushing for the wrongs done, by man to man, 
which all the water.i of thn unfathomed deep, could not wash away ; 



s 

\)\}i the ivii^ues of uoilhera luen, on the subject of slavery, must 
cleave to the Toois of their mouths, and the active hand bo pal- 
sied, in sivinij the world a history of the nca;ro's woes. My coun- 
trvmen, ve sons of the Pilgrims, the ti/rant is at your doors, liberty 
isbieedi'ne, libertv is dying, slavery has robbed you of the liberty of 
discussion, of conscience and the press. 

Armed mobs are to do the work of the slave-holder, till the legis- 
lature obeys his mandate. Then read I'rom your ov,-n statute book 
vour doom : you are a slave without his privilege. Had the six 
hundred delegates, the freemen now before me, not met from fear, it 
would have b^en worse than in vain that a Warren tell, a 3Iontgom- 
erv bled, and a Lawrence expired. You, from this moment, are the 
representatives of American liberty, if you are driven trom this sa- 
cred temple, dedicated to God, by an inturiated mob, then, my breth- 
ren, wherever you go, liberty will go, where you abide, liberty will 
abide, when you are speechless, liberty is dead. 

A constitution was then presented, by the secretary, and read by 
Mr. Stewart : the question as to its adoption being put, by the chair- 
man, it was adopted, ii}w?iimousIj/, and the State Anti-Slavery Socie- 
ty was declared to be formed agreeable to said constitution. 

Mr. Stewart then informed the convention that a declaration of 
sentiments had been prepared, which he desired might be submitted 
to the convention. On motion, it was resolved that the declaration 
of sentiments be read. It was then introduced by the Rev. Amos 
Savage, of Utica, and read by Lewis Tappan, Esq., of New A'ork. 
The question was then taken upon its adoption, and it was adopted, 
unanimously. 

"While Mr. Tappan was reading the declaration of sentiments, a 
large number of persons, in a disorderly and boisterous manner, 
crowded into the house, the leaders obtaining an entrance by an- 
nouncing themselves as a " committee of twenty-five," from a meet- 
in" of the citizens of Utica, assembled at the court room. This 
committee, in connexion with their followers, created so much dis- 
turbance as to entirely interrupt the proceedings of the convention. 
It beins apparent that the convention could not proceed any further 
in their business at this place, a motion was made that the conven- 
tion adjourn. After a moments consultation among the delegates, the 
convention resolved to adjourn, sine die. 

The New York State Anti-Slavery Society having been thus form- 
ed, and the convention dissolved, as many as could, by a spontane- 
ous movement, convened in the long room at Clarke's Temperance 
House, and proceeded to organize a meeting of the society. Dr. 
Nathaniel Sherrill, of Hampton, Oneida co., was called to the chair, 
and E. A. Lambert, of New York, appointed secretary. After a 
full and free interchange of views, as to the best mode of proceed- 
ure, Gerrit Smith, Lewis Tappan, Rev. John Frost, Rev. Beriah 
Green, Samuel Lightbody, Spencer Kellogg and Alvan Stewart, 



9 

were choHeri a committee to determine the time and jjlace of meel- 
inj^ for business. The committee took the mutter into consideration, 
and Mr. Smith, their chairman, having; assured them that they might 
depend on a hospitable reception at Peterl>oro', it \va.s, on motion. 
Resolved, that the society meet at Peterboro' the next day at 8 o'clock 
A. M. 

Information wfis immediately given to the Delegates, and as many 
of them as could procure the means of conveyance, ^tho distance 
l>eing 27 miles,; forthwith set out for the place of meeting. 



CONSTITUTION 

OF THE 

NEW YORK A N T I - S L A V E R Y S C 1 E T Y, 

Adopted at Utica, October 21, 1835. 

Article I. This Society shall be called the New York State An- 
ti Slavery Society. 

Art. II. Every meeting of this Society shall commence and 
conclude with prayer. 

Art. III. This Society shall be auxiliary to the American Anti- 
Slavery Society. 

Art. IV. The funds of this society, after defraying its own ex- 
penses, shall be paid over to the treasurer of the American Anti- 
Slavery Society. 

Art. V. The officers of this society .shall be a President, Vice 
Presidents, a Corresponding Secretary, a Recording Secretary and a 
Trea.surer. 

Art. VI. The President shall pre.side at all the meetings of this 
society, or in his absence, one of the Vice Presidents ; or in their 
absence, a President pro tern. The Corresponding Secretary shall 
conduct the correspondence of the society. The Recording Secre- 
tary .shall notify all meetings of the society, and of the Executive Com- 
mittee, and shall keep a record of the .same, and it shall also be his 
duty to register the names of its members. The Treasurer shall 

2 



10 

receive subscriptions, make payments at the direction of the Execu- 
tive Committee, and present a written and audited account to accom- 
pany the annual report. 

Art. VII. The Society shall, at its first meeting, and always 
thereafter, at its annual meeting, elect an Executive Committee, to 
consist of not less than nine, and not more than fiiteen ; who shall 
have power to enact their own by-laws, meet upon their own adjourn- 
ments, fill any vacancy in their body, employ agents, direct the treas- 
vn-er in the application of all moneys, appoint an auditor or auditors 
to audit the treasurer's accounts, and call special meetings of the so- 
ciety. They shall make arrangements for all meetings of the soci- 
ety, make an annual written report of their doings, the income, the 
expenditure and funds of the society ; and shall hold stated meetings, 
and adopt the most energetic measures in their power, to advance the 
objects of the society. Five of their number shall ibrm a quoruni 
to transact business. 

Art. VIII. All the officers of this society mentioned in the 5th 
article, shall be ex-officio members of the Executive Committee. 

Art. IX. The annual meeting of this society shall be holden 
on the third Wednesday in October, in each year, at such place a.s 
the Executive Committee shall appoint, of which three weeks notice 
shall be given in some one or more of the public papers of New 
York, Albany, Utica, Auburn, Rochester and Buftaio. 

Art. X. The object of this society is the entire Abolition of 
Slavery in the United States. While it admits that each State alone, 
has, by the Constitution of the United States, the exclusive right to 
legislate in rejiard to its abolition in said State, vet its aim shall be, to 
convince all our fellow citizens, by arguments addressed to their un- 
derstandings and consciences, that slavehoiding is a heinous crime in 
the sight of God, and that the duty, safety, and best interest of all con- 
cerned, require its immediate abandonment. 

Art. XI. This society shall aim to elevate the character and 
condition of the people of color, by encouraging their intellectua), 
moral and religious improvement, and by correcting the prejudice of 
public opinion ; but this society will never, in any way, countenance 
the oppressed in vindicating their rights by resorting to physical force. 

Art. XII. The members shall use their diligence to collect, 
from every source within their reach, historical and other evidence 
respecting the evils of Slavery and the blessings of liberty, and to 
diffuse the same throughout the community. 

Art. XIII. The members shall in every lawful way, endeavor 
to protect Human Rights, in the Liberty of the Press, Liberty of 
Speech, and the Liberty of Conscience. 

Art. XIV. Any Anti-Slavery Society, or any Association found- 
ed on principles embraced in this Constitution, may become auxiliary 
to this society, and may have a seat in its meetings by delegation, 
and shall be entitled to deliberate and vote in the transaction of its 
concerns. 



11 

Art. XV. This Constitution may be amended at any annual 
meeting of the society, by a vote of two-thirds of the members pres- 
ent, provided the amendments proposed have been previously sub- 
mitted in writing to the Executive Committee. 

Art. XYI. At the annual meeting of the society, the treasu- 
rer's account shall be presented, the annual report read, appropriate 
addresses delivered, the officers chosen, and such other business 
transacted as shall be deemed expedient. 



DECLARATION OF SENTIMENTS 

OF THE STATE ANTI-SLAVERY CONVEXTIOX AT UTICA. 

I. This Convention cordially adopt the principles, and embraco 
the objects, of the '• American Anti-Slavery Society," as set forth in 
its Constitution. 

II. As christians, we believe slave-holding, as it exists in the 
United States, is a violation of tlie natural rights of man, a sin against 
God. Because, 

ist. It forbids the improvement and cultivation of the mind by ed- 
ucation ; degrades the immortal soul, and prohibits the readmg of the 
word of God. 

2d. It destroys the family relation which God has constituted ; by 
placing persons in a situation that the marriage contract may be bro- 
ken for no crime, and without their own consent. 

3d. It unfits parents for the duty, and deprives them of the privi- 
lege, of " training up their children in the nurture and admonition of 
the Lord." 

4th. It robs children of the care and protection of their parents ; 
and takes them out of their hands without the consent of the parent, 
and subjects them to the will of others. 

5th. It reduces men, who were made in the image of God, to a 
level with beasts ; liable to be bought and sold, and compels them to 
perform involuntary labor, and have no voice in the compensation. 

All this we believe is unjust, and a palpable infraction of the com- 
mand of God, by which we are required to " love our neighbor as our- 
self:" and that it is utterly at war wath the principles of equity, which 
require that " all things whatsoever we would that men should do 
unto us, even so should we do unto them." 

III. As patriots, we believe that slavery is repugnant to our re- 
pubhcan institutions, and a gross violation of the principles avowed 
jn the Declaration of American Independence. 



12 

IV. As philanthropists, we believe that the condition of the en- 
slaved in the United States, demands the sympathy and the commis- 
eration of all the friends of man. 

Y. We believe, that it is the duty of the slave-holder in common 
with every other person to do right, and iledX justly ; to treat his fel- 
iow man as men ; to restore to the enslaved what has been wrested 
from them, and for no crime ; to renounce in them the right of prop- 
erty ; to place them under the protection and control of just and equal 
laws, by which they enjoy domestic and civil liberty, and the privi- 
lege of mental and moral cultivation ; and have the right of doing 
their duties to their families, to their fellow men and to God. 

VI. We believe, that it is ahcays safe to obey God, and deal just- 
ly with men ; and " that the immediate abolition of slavery, by those 
who have the right to abohsh it, would be both safe and wise ;" and 
that a contrary course will endanger our civil institutions, and pro- 
voke upon this nation tho just judgments of Heaven. 

VII. We believe, that free enquiry and discussion is the corner 
stone of liberty ; and the safeguard of truth, and is dreaded only by- 
tyrants and the wicked : and that it is the right of American citi- 
zens to discuss the subject of slavery as well as any other subject ; 
and to express their opinions freely, and fully ; privately, and openly ; 
by correspondence and by the press ; and that any attempt to con- 
trol or deter this freedom, by public meetings ; by resolutions ; by 
threats ; by protests ; or by preventing the circulation of papers 
through the mail, is an assumption of illegal power, and an infringe- 
ment on rights given us, by God, and guaranteed to us by the consti- 
tution of the United States, and of the individual states. 

VIII. We believe, that it is our duly, in the spirit of love and 
kindness, to do all we can in a constitutional way, by sound argu- 
ment and clear exliibitions of truth, to convince our fellow citizens of 
the correctness of our sentiments, and persuade them to act on those 
principles. 

IX. We believe, that every patriot ought to desire, and use his 
influence to remove as speedily as possible from our country, this 
moral and political evil. 

X. We believe that every philanthropist ought to labor, and every 
Christian ought to pray for the speedy and peaceful abolition of 
slavery throughout the world. 

These, fellow-citizens, are our sentiments. Are they unworthy of 
Americans, of 7nen, of Christians 1 Are they unreasonable, terrific, 
or sanguinarv ? Is there any thing calculated to excite insurrection, 
and produce evil ? And that our principles may be understood, and 
no longer be misrepresented to the public, we invite the attention of 
our feUow citizens to the Constitution of our Society, and to the 
published documents of Anti-Slavery Societies. Our principles will 
not shrink from investigation, or suffer from the light of truth. And 
if we have done any thing worthy of condemnation or death, we only 
ask the birth-right prinlege of American citizens ; a fair trial before 



13 

an impartial and legally cons^iituted tiibunaJ of our country, and we 
refuse not to die. 

But the right of discussion pri\ately and j^ublicly, we shall never 
relinquish. "It is a home-bred rights a fireside privilege. It is as 
undoubted as the right of breathing the air or walking the earth. 
Aiming at all times to be cautious and temperate in its use. This 
high constitutional privilege we shall assert, and exorcise in all pla- 
ces, and at all times. Living we shall assert it, dying we shall assert 
it ; and should we leave no other inheritance to our children, by the 
blessing ol God we will lca^e Uio inheritance of free principles, and 
(he example of a manly, independent, and constitutional defence of 
them." 



PROCEEDINGS OF THE 
NEW YORK ANTI-SLAVERY STATE SOCIETY, 

Peterboro', Oct. 22, 1835. 

The NeAv York State Anti-Slavery Society, held its first meeting 
at Peterboro', Madison County, Thursday, S o'clock A. M., October 
22, 1S35. At least three hundred gentlemen who had been members 
of the Utica Convention, appeared at Peterboro'- 

On motion. 

Dr. Arba Blair, of Rome, County of Oneida, w'as elected Pres- 
ident pro tem. ; J. F. Robinson, of New York, W. W. Reid, of 
Rochester, IViliiam Yates, of Troy, and O. N. Bush, of Rochester, 
were appointed Secretaries. 

The meeting being thus organized, the Throne of Grace was ad- 
dressed by Rev. Henry Snyder, of Chenango County. 

On motion, it was 

Resolved, That the Constitution of the Society adopted at Utica, 
be read. Thereupon it was read. 

On motion, it was 

Resolved, That a committee consisting of one from each Senate 
district, be appointed to recommend suitable persons for officers of 
ihe society. The following v.ero appointed, viz : 

Joshua Leavitt, 1st District, Rev. Oliver VYetmorc, 6th District, 

Samuel Thompson, 2nd " ^Vatevs Warren, 6th " 

William Yates, 3d " Darlin Thompson, 7th '• 

Dr. Hiram Corliss, 4th - Dr. W. W. Reid, 8th 

On motion. 



14 

Resolved, That a committee of two be appointed to take up the 
names of the delegates. J. H. Martin, of Greenbiish, and Harvey 
Blodget, of Westmoreland, were named as such committee. 
On motion, 

Resolved, That a re'dving committee of eight be appointed to draft 
resolutions expressive of the sense of this society. Rev. Beriah 
Green, Rev. Amos Phelps, Vv^iliiam Green, jr. Henry Phoenix, Eli- 
zur Wright, jr. Rev. Carlos Smith, George A. Avery, and Rev. Na- 
thaniel Colver, -were appointed said coiumittee. 

The committee retired and the names of the delegates were then 
taken up. 

The committee to recommend ofricers for the society reported the 
following : 

For President, 

Hon. ^VILLIAM JAY, of Bedford, Westchester county. 
For Vice Presidents, 

GEORGE MILLER, Esq. Suffolk county, 

DAVID LEAVITT, Esq. Kings county, 

WILLIAM GREEN, Jr. New York county, 

JOHN OWEN, Esq. Westchester county, 

DAVID B. LENT, Dutchess county, 

PETER ROE, Orange county, 

TOWNSEND HADDOCK, Ulster county, 

JOSHUA LORD, Esq. Columbia county, . 

Rev. N. S. S. BEMAN, Renselaer county, 

Rev. THOMAS POWELL, Saratoga county, 

Dr. HIRAM CORLISS, Washington do. 

SAMUEL KEYES, Essex county, 

OLIVER WESCOTT, Franklin countv, 

Gen. JOSEPH A. NORTHRUP, Lewis county, 

SAMUEL LIGHTBODY, Oneida county, 

Rev. GEORGE S. BOARDMAN, Jefferson county, 

RUFUS S. PETERS, Esq. Otsego county, ' ' 

ISAAC PLATT, Delaware county, 

Rev. HENRY SNYDER, Chenango county, 

Rev. MARCUS HARRISON, Tompkins county, 

Rev. CARLOS SMITH, Onondaga countv, 

Rev. D. C. LANSING, Cayuga county, ' 

EDWARD S. TOWNSEND, Wayne county, 

Hon. JOHN DICKSON, Ontario county, 

Rev. GEORGE RUDD, Steuben do." 

Hon. HENRY BREWSTER, Monroe county, 

HENRY PHCENIX, Genesee county. 

Col. REUBEN SLEEPER, Livmgston county. 

Rev. THOMPSON S. HARRIS, Chatauque county, 

Hon. ISAAC PHELPS, Erie countv, 

L. A. SPALDING, Niagara county.' 



15 

Correspoiulin o- Secretary, 

Rev. BERIAII GREEN, Whitesboro', Oneida couiily. 
Recording Secretary, 

Rev. OLIVER WETMORE, Ulica, Oneida county, 
Treasurer, 

SPENCER KELLOGG, Utica, Oneida county, 
Executive Committee, 

Alvan Stewart, Esq. of Utica, ehairrnan, 
Rev. Amos Savage, do 

Dr. Welcome A. Clark, Whitcsboro, 
Dr. Area Blair, Rome, 
Joseph T. Lyman, Esq. Utica, 
Francis Wright, do 

James C Delong, do 

Jacob Snyder, do 

Rev. Lewis H. Loss, York Mills. 
On motion, 

Resolved, That the report of the committee be accepted and adopt- 
ed. 

The President elect not being present the Hon. Henry Brewster 
took the chair as Vice President. 
On motion, it was 

Resolved, That the Executive Committee have power to fill all va- 
cancies that may occur in the officers of the society. 
On motion, it was 

Resolved, That the Rev. George Storrs of Concoi'd, N. H., Seth 
Strong, Esq. Moses Breck, of Northampton, Hart Leavit, of Heath, 
and Col. Roger H. Leavitt, of Charlemont, Mass., be invited to take 
seats in this meeting. 
On motion. 

Resolved, That Gerrit Smith, Esq. be invited to a seat, and to take 
part in the deliberations and proceedings of this meeting. 
On motion, 

Resolved, That Charles Stuart, long known as a tried friend of ab- 
olition, be invited to a seat as a member of this meeting. 
On motion. 

Resolved, That the citizens of Peterboro' agreeing with this society 
in sentiment, be invited to take seats in this meeting. 
On motion, it was 

Resolved, That the Declaration of Sentiments adopted by the 
Convention at Utica be read. The reading of the Declaration of 
Sentiments took place. 

The committee on resolutions announced that they were ready to 
make their report. 

The society took a recess till half past 2 o'clock P. M. 



2 o'clock P. M. 
The society convened and the committee reported the following 



16 

RESOLUTIONS. 

1. Resolved, That the slaves in those United States, as men, arc 
justly entitled to the riglits and privileges claimed for all, by the Dec- 
laration of iVmerican Independence. 

2. Resolved, That holding men in slavery, being contrary to the 
law written on the human heart, as well as in the holy scriptures is a 
sin AGAINST God. 

3. Resolved, That the right of free discussion, given to us by our 
God, and asserted and guarded by the laws of our country, is a right 
so vital to man's freedom and dignity and usefulness, that we can nev- 
er be guilty of its surrender, witliout consenting to exchange that free- 
dom for slavery, and that dignity and usefulness for debasement and 
worthlessness. 

4. Resolved, That principles, opinions, institutions and usages, which 
cannot bear thorough examination and inquiry, are unworthy of Amer- 
icans, and ought to be abandoned. 

5. Resolved, That the time has come to settle the great question, 
whether the north shall give up its liberty to preserve slavery to the 
south, or the south shall give up its slavery to preserve liberty to the 
whole nation. 

6. Resolved, That recent events have fully proved the power of 
free discussion to destroy slavery. 

7. Resolved, That for the appropriate and powerful confirmation 
recently given to the doctrines of the American Anti-Slavery Society, 
in the history of West India emancipation, we render fervent thanks 
to the God of the oppressed. 

8. Resolved, That facts show, that immediate and universal emanci- 
pation is the most safe as well as the only just remedy for slavery, and 
that all schemes of gradual and partial emancipation are unjust in prin- 
ciple and dangerous in practice. 

9. Resolved, That all attempts to justify slavery from the Bible, 
are a perversion of its principles and precepts, and eminently fitted to 
destroy confidence in its divine authority and truth. 

10. Resolved, That withholding the Bible from the slave, involves a 
direct violation of God's command, " Search the scriptures." 

11. Resolved, That we view the education of the people of color as 
a most important means of bringing about the aboUtion of slavery and 
the removal of that prejudice against color which is at once the fruit 
and support of the system ; and thai on this account, we view with high 
approbation the conduct of those individuals and institutions that have 
labored to extend to them the same information, in arts, literature and 
science, which are enjoyed by the whites. 

12. Resolved, That Christians, by virtue of the commission, " Go 
ye into all tiie world and preach the gospel lo every creature," are 
citizens of the world, and as such authorized to go to the ends of 
the earth to bear testimony against all sin, and call on all men to re- 
pent of and forsake it — and therefore that for American Christians to 
stigmatize philanthropists, who coin'e from England to plead for the 



17 

oppressed, as " foreigners,"' "foreign cnnnissaries," " aliens," &;c., or 
to countenance others in doing it is a practical denial of our Lord's 
commission, and a direct condemnation of ail missionary enterprises. 

13. Resolved, That to such of our fellow Christians as have re- 
cently been subjected at the south to cruel outrage, under the name 
of |)unishment, without trial hy jury, or even pretence of law, we ex- 
tend our full and hearty sympathy. 

14. Resolved, That we regard the course of those editors, who 
have nobly dared to vindicate the right, and plead the cause of tho 
o])pressed, with warm approbation, lively joy, and high hoj)e. 

15. Resolved, That those men of high pretensions and elevated 
stations, who have recently placed themselves at the head of blind 
and lawless mobs, to wrest away the plainest and dearest rights of 
their fellow citizens, are entitled to our pity and our prayers. 

16. Resolved, That we deem it the duty ol parents to instil into 
the minds of their children a deep abhorrence of slavery ; and that 
we cordially invite the co-operation of the young in cur etfbrts for its 
removal. 

17. Resolved, That this society earnestly invites the co-operation 
of ladies throughout the state, by the formation of Ladies' Anti- 
Slavery Societies, wherever it can be done, to act in concert with this 
.society in the great work of emancipation. 

18. Resolved, That slavery and the slave-trade, in the District of 
Columbia, being within the " exclusive jurisdiction" of Congress, in- 
volve the entire nation in the guilt of slavery ; and that it is the duty 
of the citizens ol this state to use vigorous and unceasing exertions, 
through their representatives in Congress, to procure their immediate 
abolition. 

19. Resolved, That we recommend a general observance of the 
Monthly Concert of Prayer, on the LAST MONDAY EVENIXG 
of every month, for the abolition of slavery throughout the world. 

20. Resolved, That this society approve the resolution of the 
American Anti-Slavery Society, to raise tliirty 'Jiousainl dollars the 
present year for the society, and is ready to pledge itself to sustain 
them in the etrort. 

21. Resolved, That slips of paper be now circulated, and pledg- 
es and contributions taken up tor the funds of this society, and that 
the sums pledged be considered payable by the first of January next. 

22. Resolved, That the Executive Committee of this society be 
instructed to prepare and publish, with the proceedings of this meet- 
ing, two addresses — one to abolilionists, and the other to the public 
generally, on their obligations and duties at the present crisis. 

23. Resolved, That the thanks of this society be given to the 
Common Council of the city of Utica, for the permission given that 
the Convention, for the formation of the society, might be held in the 
Court room in that city. 

24. Resolved, That the thanks of this society be given to the 
Trustees of the 2d Presbyterian Church in Utica, for the use of that 

3 



18 

Church for the meeting of the New York Anti-Slavery Conventiot 

It Resolved, That^the members of this society return their hear- 
ty thanks to the citizens of Feterboro', for the use of then- church on 
tL present occasion, and for the kindness and hospitality with which 
they have been received and entertained. 

E^S;"That the resolutions just read be adopted. They were 

''^r't^'iri^s^iution was passed, subscrip^ons and contribu- 
tion \^^re taken up for the treasury of the State Society, amounting- 
o uDvards of SHOO. This was swelled the next morning, by a 
pleX'o $100 from a young man who is employed in a neighbor- 
ing county at a salary of $3U0 a year, and several others mdicatmg 

' Thetrslness of the meeting having been thus happily completed, 
with perfect harmony within, and pertect tranquility w.thou , the so- 
deTy adjourned, and the assembly united m an appropriate pra>e. 
and thanksgiving, oflered by Rev. Berialr Green. 



SPEECH OF MR. GERRIT SMITH. 

After the reading of the third resolution, Gerrit Smith, Esq. rose' 
and remarked, that he was not a member of the Amencan Anti- 
Slaverv Society, and not yet prepared to become such— that his rea- 
s^nl fo"^- not approving of ail 'theVlans and proceedings of the socie-- 
tv so fa as to unite himself with it, were before the public ; and 
tlmt it would be both unseasonable and egotistical for him now to 
ent on them. He stood up in the meeting under the courtesy of 
^SiSL, inviting him ti take a part in ^ts deliberation^ a.d^ o^ 
ceedin-s. Let me say, however, (said Mr. Smith,) that the leai 
ZtnSSs of your society have ever been my principles ; and tha it 
rmeet that i' should share with you in the odium and peril of hold-- 
£<.thoVo principles. At such a time as this, when you are nobly 
eopardin.^, for tmth's sake, and humanity's sake, property and repu- 
Sn and life, 1 feel it to be not only my duty, but my privilege and 
nleasure to identify myself with you, as far as I conscientiously can, 
S:V" ose my U-rty and rWon and life ^ 
crpr^ which threaten vours. Passing events, (said Mi • fe. ) acimomsn 
me of the nece' sity there is, that the friends of human rights should 
Tct^n ctcTrt ai/d, with all my objections to vo- society i is no^^ 
only possible, but probable, that I shall soon find myself obliged ta 
become a member of it. 



19 

But to come to the resolution before us, (which Mr. S. said he had 
himself drawn up, and handed to the committee on resolutions,) 1 
love the free and happy form of civil government under which I live : 
not because it confers new rights on m.e. My rights all spring from an 
infinitely nobler source — from the favor and grace of God. Our polit- 
ical and constitutional rights, so called, are but the natural and inherent 
rights, of man, asserted, carried out, and secured by modes of human 
contrivance. To no human charter am I indebted for my rights. They 
pertain to my original constitution : and I read tiiem in that Book of 
books, which is the great Charter of man's rights. No, the constitu- 
tions of my nation and state create none of my rights. They do, at 
*the most, but recognize w'hat is not theirs to give. 

My reason theretore, for loving a republican form of govemment, 
and for preferring it to any other — to monarchial and despotic govern- 
ments — is, not that it clothes me with rights, which these withhold 
from me ; but, that it makes fewer encroachments than they do, on 
<he rights, which God gave me — on the divinely appointed scope of 
man's agency. I prefer, in a w'ord, the republican system, because 
it comes up more nearly to God's system. It is not then to the con- 
stitutions of my nation and state, that I am indebted for the right of 
■free discussion ; though I am thankful for the glorious defence with 
"which those instruments surround that right. No, God himself gave 
me this right ; and a sufficient proof that He did so, is to be found 
in the fact, that He requires me to exercise it. Take from the men, 
Avho compose the church of Christ on earth, the right of free discus- 
sion, and you disable them for His service. They are now the lame 
and the dumb and the blind. In vahi is it now, that you bid them 
-*! hold forth the word of life" — in vain that you bid them " not to suf- 
fer sin upon a neighbor, but in any w ise rebuke him" — in vain is it, 
lihat you bid them " go into all the world, and preach the gospel to 
«very creature." If God made me to be one of his instruments for 
carrying forward the salvation of the world, then is the right of free 
■discussion among my inherent rights ; then may I, must I, speak of 
sin, any sin, every sin, that comes in my way — any 'sin, every sin, 
"which it is my duty to search out and to 'assail. When, therefore, 
this right is called in question, then is the invasion, not of something 
obtained from human convention and human concession ; but the in- 
vasion of a birthright — of that which is as old as our being, and a 
part of the original man. 

This right, so sacred, is sought to be trammelled. It is virtually 
denied. AVhat I have said is introductory to the expression of my 
<lissent from the tenor of the language, with which this invasion is 
generally met. This right is, for the most part, defended on the 
ground, that it is given to us by our political constitutions ; and that 
it was purchased for us by the blood and toil of our fathers. Now*, I 
wish to see its defence placed on its true and infinitely higher ground ; 
on the ground, that God gave it to us ; and that he who violates or 
feetrays it, is guilty, not alone of dishonoring the laws of his country 



20 

and the blood and toil and memory of his fathers ; but, that he is i^'uilly 
also of making war upon God's plan of man's constitution ajid en- 
dowment ; and of attempting to narrow down and destroy that digni- 
ty, with which God invested him, when He made him in his own im- 
age, and but " little lower than the angels." When, therefore, we 
would defend this right, let us not defend it so much with the jealousy 
of an American — a Republican ; as though it were but an American 
or a Republican right, and could claim no higher origin than lunnan 
will and human statutes ; but let us defend it as men, feeling that to 
lose it, is to lose a part of ourselves ; let us defend it as men, deter- 
mined to maintain, even to their extreme boundary, the rights and 
powers, which God has given to us for our usefufness and enjovment ; 
and the surrender of an iota of which is treason against Heaven. 

There is one class of men, whom it especially behoves to be tena- 
cious of the right of free discussion. I mean the poor. The rich 
and the honorable, if divested of this right, have still their wealth and 
their honors to repose on, and to solace them. But, when the poor 
are stripped of this right, they are poor indeed. The vmhappy men, 
who composed the mob in Utica yesterday, are of this class. May 
they yet learn, and before it is too late, how suicidal was the violence, 

TO WHICH THE LIPS AND PENS OF THEIR SUPERIORS STIMUEATEU 

THEM : and, that, in attacking this most precious right in your per- 
sons, they were most efiiciently contributing to hasten its destruction 
in their own ; a right too in respect to \\hich the poor man is the equal 
of the richest and the proudest ; and his possession of which is all, 
that saves him from being trampled upon in Republican America by 
the despotism of wealth and titles, as that despotism tramples upon 
him elsewhere, where he is not permitted to /ell the story of his 
wrongs, and to resist oppression by that jiower, which even wealth 
and titles cannot withstand — the power of the lips and the Press. Let 
the poor man count as his enemy, and his worst -enemy, every invader 
of the right of free discussion. 

We are threatened with legislative restraints on this right. Let u^a 
tell our legislators in advance, that this is a right, restraints on which, 
we will not, cannot bear ; and that every attempt to restrain it is a 
palpable wrong on God and man. Suljmitting to these restraints, 
we could not be what God made us to be ; we could not perform the 
service, to which He has appointed us ; we could not be men. Laws 
to gag a man — to congeal the gushing fountains of his heart's sym- 
pathy — and to shrivel up his soul by extinguishing its ardor and gen- 
erosity — are laws not to assist him in carrying out God's high and 
holy purposes in calling him into being ; but they are laws to throw 
him a passive, mindless, worthless being at the leet of despotism. 

And to what end is it that we are called on to hold our tongues, 
and throw down our pens, and give up our influence l Were it tor 
a go^d object, and could we conceive that such a sacrifice would pro- 
mote it, there would be a color of fitness in asking ns to do so. But, 
this is a sacrifice, which righteousness and humanity never invoke. 



'21 

Truth and mercy require the exc7 1 ion— ^im:\C'V iho supprcs^^ion, oJ' ui;m'.-4 
noble rights uiid powers. V, a eire called on to degrade and unman 
ourselves, and to Avithhold from others that influence, whicli we arc 
bound to exert upon them, to the end that the victim of oppression 
may lie more quietly beneath the foot of hi:j oppressor ; to the endv 
that one sixth of our countryuien, plundered of their dearest rights 
— of their bodies, and miiids, and souls — znay never know of those 
rights ; to the end, tha.^ TWO MILLIONS AND A HALF of our 
fellow men, crushed in the iroii I'olds of slavery, may remain in all 
their sutiering and debasenxnt and despair. It is tor such an object 
— an object so wicked and inexpressibly mean — that we are culled 
on to lie down beneath the slaveholders' blustering and menace, like 
whipped and trembling spaniels. We reply, that our Republican spi- 
rit cannot thus succumb; and, what is infinitely more, that Cod did 
not make us — that Jesus did not redeem us, for such sinful and vile 
uses. 

We knew before, that slavery could not endure, could not snrviv(» 
free discussion ; that tlie minds of men could not remain firm and 
their consciences quiet under the continued appeals of truth, and 
justice, and mercy : but the demand, which slaveholders now make 
on us to surrender the right of free discussion, together with their 
avowed reasons for this demand, involves their own t"ull concession, 
that free discussion is incompatible with slavery. The South now 
admits by her own showing, that slavery cannot live, unless the North 
be tongue-tied. But we have two objections to being thus tongue- 
tied. One is, that we desire and jiurpose to exert all our powers and 
influence — lawfidly, temperately, kindly — to persuade the slavehold- 
ers of the south to deliver our colored brethren from their bonds ; 
nor shall we give i-est to our lips or pens, imtil this riahteous object 
is accomplished : and the other is, that we are not willing to be slaves 
ourselves. The enormous and insolent demands of the South, sus- 
tained, I am deeply ashamed to say, by craven and mercenary spirits 
at the North, manifest, beyond all dispute, that the question now is, 
not merely, nor mainly, whether the blacks at the south shall remain 
.slaves — but whether the whites at the North shall become slaves also. 
And thus, whilst we are endeavoring to break the yokes, which are 
on other's necks, we are to see to it, that yokes are not imposed on 
our own. 

Is it said that the South '>vill not molest our irecdom, if we will 
not disturb their slavery — if we will not insist on the liberty to speak 
and write about tliis abomination ? Our reply is. that God gave us 
the freedom for which we contend — that it is not a freedom bestowed 
by man ; — not an ex gratia freedom, which we have received at the 
hands of the South ; — not a freedom, which stands, on the one hand, 
in the surrender of our dearest rights, and, on the other, in the con- 
ceded perpetuity of the body and mind and soul-crushing system of 
American slavery. We ask not, we accept not, we scornfully reject, 
the conditionnl and worthless freedom, which the South proffers u.<?. 



22 

It is not to be disguised, that a war has broken out between the 
'North and the South. Pohtical and commercial men are industrious- 
ly striving to restore peace : but the peace which they would effect, 
is superficial, false, and temporary. True, permanent peace can nev- 
er be restored, until slavery, the occasion of the war, has ceased. 
The sword, which is now drawn, will never be returned to its scab- 
bard, until victory, entire, decisive victory is ours or theirs ; not, un- 
til that broad and deep and damning stain on our country's escutch' 
eon is clean washed out — that plague spot on our country's honor 
gone forever; or, until slavery has riveted anew her present chains, 
and brought our heads also to bow beneath her withering power. It 
is idle — it is criminal, to hope for the restoration of peace, on any- 
other condition. Why, not to speak of other outrages, which the 
South has practised on the rights and persons of Northern men, who 
can read the simple and honest account which Amos Dresser gives 
of his sufferings at the hands of slaveholders, and still flatter himself 
with the belief, that the North can again shake hands with slavery 1 If 
the church members and church elders, v/ho sat in mock judgment on 
that young man's case could be impelled by the infernal spirit of 
slavery to such lawless, ruffian violence ; how can any reasonable 
hope remain, that, whilst the south remains under the malign influ- 
-ences of slavery, its general demeanor towards the North can be even 
tolerable 1 The head and front of Dresser's offending, was his 
connexion with an Anti-Slavery Society in a distant state ; and 
for this he was subjected by professors, and titled professors too, of 
the meek and peaceful religion of Jesus, to corporal punishment — 
public, disgraceful, severe. 

Who .shall be mustered on our side for this great battle? Not the 
many. The many never come to such a side as ours, until attracted 
to it by palpable and unequivocal signs of its triumph. Nor do we 
need the many. A chosen few are all we need. Nor, do we desire 
those, who are skilful in the use of carnal weapons. For such weap- 
ons we have no use. Truth and love are inscribed on our banners, 
and " by these we conquer." There is no room in our ranks for the 
politician, who, to secure the votes of the South, would consent that 
American slavery be perpetual. There is no room in them for the 
commercial man, who, to secure the trade of the South, is ready to 
applaud the institution of slavery, and to leave his countrymen — his 
brethren — their children, and children's children — subjected to its 
tender mercies, throughout all future time. We have no room, no 
work for such. We want men, who stand on the rock of christian 
principles ; men who will speak, and write, and act with invincible 
honesty and firmness ; men, who will vindicate the right of discus- 
sion, knowing that it is derived from God ; and who, knowing this, 
will vindicate it against all the threats and arts of demagogues, and 
money worshippers, and in the lace of mobs, and of death. There 
is room in our ranks for the old and deci-epit, as well as the young 
and vigorous. The hands that are tremulous with years, are the best 



23 

hands to grasp the sword of the spirit. The aged servants of God 
best know how " to move the arm which moves the world." Our 
work, in a word, is the work of God ; and they are the best suited 
to it, who are most accustomed to do his work. 



TO THE CITIZENS OF THE UNITED STATES: 

Fellow Citizens — 

Our country justly glories in what she has done for the liberties of 
the world. From the solemn hour in which she took her rank among 
the nations of the earth, she has shown, by her domestic peace and 
by an unexampled progress in wealth, arts and intelligence, that the 
government of a people by their own laws, is the best of all govern- 
ments. She has shown that the true policy of a nation is in opening 
the fountains of knowledge to all, and acknowledging no nobility but 
that of noble deeds. Her constitutional and hitherto cherished free- 
dom of speech and of the press, has brought the hoarded Avisdom of 
ages home to the poor as well as to the rich. Her Christianity has 
sent its healing balm to the perishing of the most distant lands, and 
her example has been the day-star of hope to oppressed millions. 
But however high her claims to our love and admiration, our country 
is far from faultless. 

W ithin the United States are two million and two hundred and fif- 
ty thousand slaves. Of these some were dragged away from Africa 
by the hand of the kidnapper ; and by far the greater part, were sto- 
len in this country from their mother's bosoms. All, men, women and 
children, were reduced to their present condition by a system of fraud 
and violence. Under this system, made up of usages and laws, and 
maintained by public sentiment, they have nothing but their chains, 
which they can call their own. They are placed under the control of 
others. This control has scarcely a limit, check, or restraint. They 
may be stung with insults, goaded with whips, crushed with burdens. 
They may be starved, polluted, slaughtered with impunity. The sys- 
tem under which they are placed, forbids them to claim as their own, 
the reason, conscience, and heart which belong to their nature. They 
have no right to study and obey the commands of their Creator and 
their Judge. They are mere property — good for nothing else than 
to gratify the passion and subserve the interest of any owner who 
may chance to hold them. Such is the system of American Slavery. 

The fruits of this system are well worthy of its obvious tenden- 
cies. On the one side, it has produced tyranny of the worst stamp, 
eager, loud and exorbitant in its demands, inexorable and determined 



24 

111 its cxaciiuus , ou thu other, the most unquestioning and crouching 
servihty. On the one side, wc have open-jaAved, insatiable cupidity ; 
on the other, the exhaustion of unmitigated toil ; the emaciation of 
unsatisfied hunger ; the scars of the merciless lash. On the one 
side, we have cherished passion and pampered lust ; blind, headlong, 
and spurning all control, impatient of the least restraint ; on the oth- 
er, the forced submission of loathing, helpless virtue, or the ready 
compliance of thoughtless, practiced vice. On every side and at all 
times, we are surrounded with the ruins of benighted reason, be- 
numbed conscience, and stony hearts. We see on every hand, im- 
placable malignity, envenomed spite, and murderous hate. Passions 
we see of monstrous growth and gigantic power — bosoms fretted 
with anxiety, racked with suspicion, rent with fear — the big tear, the 
deep groan, the fresh blood. Such arc the fn/its tohich slavery every 
day and in a thousand places is producing. 

We do not reproach the people of the South as exclusively origi7i- 
aling this bondage. For its origin the people of the North are per- 
haps equally, certainly to a great extent, responsible. And we think 
that its continuance depends more upon Northern prejudice, avarice, 
and sophistry than upon Southern pride and luxury. The guilt of 
this fearful iniquity rests upon the ichole Republic. Multitudes of our 
Northern youth yearly rush to the South to buy and sell and get 
gain by the possession of slaves. Even ministers of religion go 
from us, first to tolerate, then to excuse, then to participate in the 
crime. In no less numbers do Southern slaveholders flock to the 
North, here to be courted, flattered and upheld in their hereditary op- 
pression. It is trifling with the most sacred feeling, and the most 
solemn responsibilities to tell us that we are not interested in the 
question of slavery. 

On a system charged with such tendencies, and yielding such 
fruits, can we look with heartless indifierence 1 We are men. We 
reverence and honor human nature. We see impressed upon it the 
stanqi of divinity and immortality. In every man we own a kins- 
man. The bond of brotherhood is strong. Can we see the image 
of our Creator in his handy work rudely treated and recklessly de- 
faced, without disgust and horror. Can we see our unoffending 
brethren kneeling in chains at our feet without feeling every fraternal 
synqjathy aroused % In slavery, we see our very nature stormed, beat 
down, and dragged away in fetters. We ourselves are thus trodden in 
the ?nire. And can we see our nature crushed under iron hoofs with- 
out feeling our degradatioii and our danger I Must we be deaf to 
the voices which like repeatetl claps of thunder break upon our ears, 
urging us to rouse up and bestir ourselves ; to summon all our pow- 
ers to the fearful strife which puts our all in jeopardy ? 

We are christians. Can we see the objects of our Savior's deep 
pity and tender love — of his exhausting labors and agonizing sufter- 
uigs, spurned as vile, and tlnown away as worthless, without emo- 
tion ■? Is it nothing to us, that our brothers and sisters in the family 



25 

of Chrisl are herded with swiue — exposed to more kiliing injuries 
than their brut$ companions are capable of suffering? Are we to 
see professed christians with their religious teachers " oflending" 
even to trampling in the dust " the little ones" of Christ without en- 
treaty, remonstrance, or rebuke ] Are Vv'e to see the holy Bible, the 
great charter of human freedom perverted by violence the most tor- 
turing and sophistry the most deceptive, into the text-book of slavery 
A\ithout an effort to rescue it from the profane hands, which are tos- 
sing its sacred leaves to the winds 1 Are we thiis to see the very foun- 
dations of the christian temple broken up without directing a thought 
or an effort to its preservation ? 

We are Americans. Can we contemplate arrangements and usa- 
ges, widely current, and strenuously maintained, which are subver- 
sive of the first principles, on which our free institutions are founded 
without indignation and alarm ? Shall we look tamely on, and see 
petty tyrants in pride and pomp, slalk haughtily along into the very 
sanctuary of the temple ol freedom, with a long train of cringing, 
broken-hearted vassals — there to mount their thrones and wield their 
sceptres ; aye, and with an assurance which would make brass blush, 
insolently call upon American freemen to reverence and defend their 
regal honors ? And are we to be tcld that we are in duty bound to 
ofier up our fortune.*, our sacred honor, our very lives a sacrifice to 
their majesty? And shall such claims be impudently urged upon us 
in the most provoking forms, and our blood flow evenly along with- 
out a quickening impulse from the heart? Have we sold our birth- 
right for a mess of pottage ; and are we hence forward to be faithful, 
uncomplaining slaves ? Perish the thought ! 

In what light then, are we to view the relations established and 
maintained by the American system of slavery? As most unnatural 
clearly. The elements of freedom are wrought into the constitution 
of every liuman being. His endov/ments indicate the will of his 
Creator. With reason, conscience, will, he vv'as evidently made to 
act as a free-agent. While in seeking his ovvn happiness, he respects 
the rights of others, it is the stern demand of nature's God, that he 
should be let alone — left unmolested to pursue such objects as may 
best subserve his interests. The v/hole system of American slavery 
arises from a bold and stout resistance of this demand. It is a fla- 
grant violation of the laws under which human nature is placed. Of 
the authoritative exposition of these laws, which their Author has 
given in the Bible, slavery is a most wanton and presumptuous trans- 
gression. Its tendencies, and influences, and effects, are obviously 
and glaringly adverse to the tvv'o great christian precepts in which all 
moral laws are comprehended and embodied. The spirit of this sys- 
tem like a destroying angel, transforms the neighbors whom we are 
to love as ourselves into a herd of cattle, whom we may caress or 
kill, as best suits our sovereign pleasure. Every relation defined in 
the law of God, slavery disturbs and deranges. Every obligation 
enforced by tiie law, slavery breaks asunder and tramples in the dust. 

4 



26 

As a system, it is directly subversive ol the fundamental principles 
of the divine government. It is a system of rebellion against heav- 
en. Every act of conformity to such a system must be sin. As sin, 
we abhor and denounce it. This conclus^ion is in the strictest accor- 
dance with the doctrines, on Avhich the American Revolution proceed- 
ed. The natural equality of mankind was with the heroes of 1776, 
a fundamental truth ; most heartily received, most confidently assert 
ed most strenuously maintained. In the clear and certain light,, 
which this truth sheds around us, we cannot for a moment refuse to 
see,- or hesitate to declare that slaveholding is a sin. 

Be it distinctly understood what we plainly affirm, that in denoun- 
cing and opposing slavery as a prime object of attention and of in- 
terest, we keep our eyes fixed on tlic relation itself winch s\-A\e\y es-- 
tfablishes. The kindness or the cruelty of those who maintain this 
relation, is in our view, a matter of very small importance. The re-* 
lation itself of master and slave, however modified, has our unmingled 
abhorrence. We do not deny, that accidental circumstances may in 
particular cases greatly mitigate the evils naturally belonging to this 
relation. The withering tendencies of despotism, the most absolute 
and irresponsible have sometimes been accidentally counteracted. 
But accident cannot neutralize natural tendency. The one is inher- 
ent and permanent. The other only occasional and transitory. Of 
the relation, which slavery establishes, whether ^ve regard its certain 
tendencies or actual eft'ects, we deeply feel and plainly declare our 
solemn, settled, lull convicdon, that it ovght instantly, nniversally, and^ 
forever to be broken xrp. 

In asserting and maintaining the doctrine of immediate emancipa- 
tion, we make a broad distinction between our convictions of whaS 
OUGHT, and our expectations of what will, be done. These two^ 
things, we cannot confound with each other. To bring men gradu- 
ally, and one by one, to yield to the claims of rectitude, their obliga- 
tions immediately and universally to submit to these demands must 
be urged upon them. The doctrine of gradual repentance is false in 
theory, mischievous in tendency, and disastrous in its results. Sucfc 
a docti-ine, applied to slaveholding, would leave that monstrous sin 
to scatter, far and wide, firebrands, arrows, and death, unrebuked and 
unchecked, forever ! 

When we demand, for the f^laves, immediate and universal eman-- 
cipation, we declare, that we are heartily and decisively opposed to^ 
their being turned " loose''' upon tlic world. Long enough have they 
been treated like brute beasts. They are neither snakes nor 
tigers. They are men. As men, they can understand the mean-' 
ing, fulfill the obligations, and enjoy the protection of good and use- 
ful laws. To such laws, they are fully and fairly entitled. That 
they may be delivered from the despotism of unrestrained passion,, 
and placed under the protection and restraint of healthful legislation* 
is the earnest plea, we make, in their behalf. 



27 

This arrangeinent ought immecliately to take place. It is demand- 
ed by the government of God, which is administered with tlie stnct- 
'est, sternest adherence to perfect rectitude. It is demanded by hu- 
man nature, which yearns with maternal tenderness over her suffer- 
ing children, and will not be comforted till they are restored to the 
light and life of holy freedom. It is demanded by the spirit of the 
Gospel, whose eye runneth down with teais, while fixed upon the 
deadly scars with which oppression lacerates the bosom of the Sav- 
ior. It is demanded by the welfare of the oppressor, who is busily 
engaged in building an altar where he may offer up himself a sacrifice 
to mammon. It is demanded by the intolerable wrongs under which 
the slave is crushed. Heaven and earth, all nature, above, around, with- 
in us, join in the demand, that to holy freedom should be given im- 
jnediate and universal prevalence. 

To affect an arrangement of such a renovating and redeeming in- 
fluence, we feel sacredly bound to contirbute what we can consistently 
with our various obligations. Wo cannot fight. We have neither 
the spirit nor the munitions of war. Legislate we cannot. The law- 
making power is not ours to wield. Those, however, to whom this 
power is intrusted, are placed within our reach. In our various in- 
tercourse with them we are at liberty to try what moral suasion may 
effect. To those especially to whom the control of the District of 
Columbia is committed, we haver free access. To them we may pre- 
sent our views and feehngs in the form of argument, petiiion and re- 
monstrance, and they are bound to listen to our words, even if they 
do not accede to our requests. We do not choose to forget, that we 
have our share in forming public sentiment — the supreme authority in 
this republic, to which all other powers must bow. To this slavery 
'Owes its origin and continuance. The power which created can de- 
stroy. On how small a scale must slavery at first have been attempt- 
ed. A wretch or two by fraud and violence, reduced a fellow creature 
lo subservency to their will. By appealing to the worst passions of 
those around them, thoy were permitted to maintain their usurped au- 
thority. A partnership in robbery was formed. New victims were 
seized. The bonds of wickedness were strengthened. Power and 
xiunning were combined to arrange and perfect a system of oppression. 
At length, as the finishing stroke of the foulest policy which ever out- 
raged heaven and disgraced the earth, the solemnity and authority of 
law were employed to protecc and uphold an extensive and complica- 
ted scheme of theft, adultery and murder. This is the scheme of 
American' Slavery. Kidnappers, and man-stealers. and slavehold- 
ers, furnish a lesson of instruction which we are ready to reduce to 
practice. Our utmost we will do to draw otheis into this sacred sym- 
pathy with ourselves. We will combine our strength. The circle of 
our influence we will labor continually to enlarge. We will exert 
ourselves to direct public sentiment into a new channel. We will 
not give sleep to our eyes till we see such usages, arrangements and 
laws, introduced as are in the highest degree friendly to Holy Free- 



28 

dom. And we dare hope for success. In oppositiuii to the govern- 
ment of God slavery has hnen introduced, in accordance with tlte govern- 
ment of God slavery shall he destroyed. 

If any who deplore the evils of slavery are faint-hearted, ar.d de- 
spair of success, we ask them not to join us. The struggle, no doubt 
is arduous, it may cost life, but the victory is sure. We are not rush- 
ing to an untried experiment. Half a century ago, the African slave 
trade was a prime branch of commerce of every civilized nation, en- 
gulphing capital and enterprize, and making large masses of men tri- 
butary to its support, and dependent upon its unhallowed gains. It 
had fortified itself in law and sophistry, and had even stolen indul- 
gence from the word of God. From this source proud cities drew 
their wealth. Yet this great branch of the evil was attacked. The 
assaihnts were at first few and despised. Year after year they toiled 
against hope, suffered unmeasui-ed abuse, and were accounted pesti- 
lent disturbers of the public peace. Now who, even of our revilers, 
dares to avow himself the advocate of the African slave trade. In 
Britain the spirit that triumphed over the slave trade, aroused by the 
ever grov.'ipg evils of slavery, has proclaimed freedom to her 800,000 
slaves, rier glorious example, while it rebukes our sloth, confirms 
our doctrines. The victory was achieved, not by tho power of the 
imperial parliament, but by the moral sentiment of the people. Even 
on this side of the Atlantic our docfrrines are not novel.- Long ago 
their power was felt. The immortal nam.es of Franklin, Rush and 
Jay, will in coming time derive their chief lustre from their opposition 
to slavery. With regard to many others now not less illustrious, pos- 
terity will regret only that their practice did not conform to their glo- 
rious principles. Ours are doctrines avowed by the best patriots, ev- 
er since the revolution. The only reason why others in the same 
struggle have not succeeded before us, is, that in carrying their prin- 
ciples into organized action, they allowed them to be modified to avoid 
too rude a shock with public opinion — they bowed to what is falsely 
called expediency. For all that they affirmed to be the riglU of tiie slave 
we plead ; that we unhesitatingly demand not abating a particle of full 
:jrestitution. 

From this struggle for the inalienable rights of our brethren, we can- 
not turn back if vv'e would. Our opponents, by their violence, false- 
hoods and anti-republican heresies, are making it more imperative on 
us to go lorward. By proclaiming that slavery cannot be discussed, 
without sundering the Union, they are showing that slavery threatens 
to destroy ail those blessings for which the Union was form- 
ed. If It is true that the Union can be preserved only by our 
abstaining from moral and constitutional obligations to the slaves in 
the District of Columbia, the Union is destroyed already, it exists on- 
ly as an arbitrary despotism. We must be recreant to the sentiments 
on whicii our noble constitution is based, if we can be deterred from 
advocating the rights of man by a threat so absurd — from exercising 
the very freedom which this constitution was made to guarc^ntee by 



29 

the fear of pains and peaaities. 'vVhat L it that v. e aie coii}inui)cied 
to sacriilce on the altar of slave.iy ] Is it a matter ot" dollars and 
cents 1 No. It is the freedom of the press, ard with it theliecdcm 
of thought, the hbcrty of conscience, aud of every generous fechng 
of the sold. TVho is to be bciiefiled by this sacrifice ? Not the 
masters, for their danger lie:? in the continuance of slavery and mnv 
be exchanged for perfect safety by ira!r;cdiatc emancipation. Not 
the slaves, for a change in the moral sentiment oJ: liociety is their on- 
ly hope, and the only means by which that change can be eft'ected is 
a free press. No — the press and its blessings are to be sacrificed, 
because there is too much light, liberty and philanthropy in the world 
to have a system of wrong and outrage to go on smooth!}-. 

The same reason that has called for the sacrifice of martyrs in past 
ages calls now for the chaining of the press and gagging of discus- 
sion. Slavery needs the same sort of support that tyranny has al- 
ways needed, l^he thrones of Europe have needed the partition of 
Poland, the shackling of Greece and Belgium, and the strangling at 
the birth of every infant republic. Who is at a loss, whether iho 
chains now being riveted en the press of France are meant to secure 
the liberties of the people, or the power of the king ? ii^ any of our 
fellow citizens have Kecorne so sick of liberty that they are ready to 
follow the French king in his retreat tov/ards the dark ages, we do 
not care to go with them, be thoy few or many. 

Opposition we expect. When did the persecutor and oppressor 
choose to be exposed ar.d coimlei acted ? f^excr. We plead the 
cause of the enslaved. To a share of their sufferings we shall, 
doubtless, be admitted. Our character and our designs v>ill be as- 
sailed. Artifice and violence, iri every varied form, and possible 
combination, we must encounter. The reckless profligate, the wily 
statesman and the practised hypocrite will unite their influence and 
join their forces to intimidate and overwhelm the friends of human 
nature. The private circle and the popular assembly, the pulpit and 
the press ; the hall of legislation and the court of justice, they will 
as far as they are able, bring into combined subserviency to their foul 
designs. The history of the past sheds light upon the future. For 
vindicating the rights of the oppressed, we have already been visited 
with slander the most malignant, the grossest falsehood, the foulest 
calumny. From one end of the nation to the other ; in church and 
state ; our names have been cast out as evil. The professed saint, 
and the open sinner ; the learned and the rude ; the high and the 
low ; the slave-holder of the South and the negro-hater of the North, 
have entered into a con.-piracy against us. Our rights have been in- 
vaded, our persons have been abused, our lives have been threatened, 
But none of these things move us. Our adversaries may ridicule, 
and denounce, and threaten. They subserve the cause they hate, by 
forcing it upon the attention of the nation and the world. The loud 
and angry voices which bid us hold our tongues, will open thousand.? 
P-f ear? to hear u':. And tvf must and will be heard. Ours is 



30 

tiie cause of God, and His suffering poor. The grave alone can 
impose silence on our lips. In such a cause, better death than trea- 
son. We cuniiot pause in our career. Our course is onward. While 
wc remember u-hat we are, ivhosc we are, and loJtere we arc, we shall 
vmdcr the Captain of our salvation, advance directly and resistlessly 
toward the goal which Heaven has set before us. 



TO THE FRIENDS OF IMMEDIATE AND UNIVERSAL 

EMANCIPATION. 

Beloved Brethren — 

Recent events connected with the history of our country, have 
placed the tendencies of the American system of Slavery, in a clear 
land certain light. It was long ago perceived by discerning and pro- 
found observers, that in this system we had an institution for the ed- 
ucation of a race of tyrants. The nourishment here afforded to sel- 
fishness, and pride, and lust, could not fail to give to those loathsome 
propensities, a monstrous growth and gigantic strength. The dearest 
rights and highest interests of human nature in its guiltless children, 
who by fraud and violence, had been reduced to servitude, American 
men and women had been accustomed from their earliest childhood, 
rudely, insolently, recklessly, to trample in the dust. This they did 
on system, encouraged by public sentiment, sustained by prevalent 
usages, protected by dreadful laws. They were thus trained up to 
regard their fellow men with insolence or contempt ; to wage war 
upon them whenever and wherever driven to deeds of violence by 
the dci^ands of interest, the impulses of passion, or even the sug- 
gestions of caprice. That, thus trained and incited, they should con- 
fine their insolence and assaults to men of a dark complexion was 
not to be expected. They had been too long accustomed to press 
the foot of despotic power on the neck of the Africo-American to 
feel any lively and profound respect for the rights of the Anglo-Amer- 
ican. 

The lordly spirit and despotic bearing of the southern slavehol- 
ders have, from time to time, been partially exposed in their inter- 
course, official and unofficial, with their northern brethren. Speci- 
mens, not a little disgracefiil and mortifying, we have been compelled 
again and again to witness and de})lore. And with growing concern 
and alarm, we have seen at the north an increasing disposition to bow 
to the arrogance and dogmatism of the south. Nowhere has this dis-*' 
position been more glaringly and offensively displayed, than in the 



31 

manner, in which we hiive been expected, and to a great extent, have 
consented to treat the colored American, ^\e have been required 
to join with the south in insulting and oppressing him. And to our 
shame be it confessed ; we have, to a fearful extent, yielded to this 
Requisition. AVe have given up the trembling, weeping, and often 
bleeding fugitive to the eager, iron grasp of the mun-stealer. We 
have gone more or less into a conspiracy with slave-holders, to exile 
from their native land free colored Americans. We have thus, most 
suicidally, lent our influence to quicken and strengthen and mature 
the despotic spirit, which the system of American slavery has gener- 
ated and maintained and protected. 

Various and powerful influences for a long time prevented any de- 
cisive and extended effort to exj)ose and couiiteract the deadly ten- 
dencies of American slavery. The courtesies of social life, every 
year increasing ; the bustle, dust and din of trade ; the intrigues and 
evils, the scuffling and manoeuvering of party politics ; the mutual 
fellowship of professed christians, united in various combinations, all, 
combined to close the eyes and harden the hearts and seal up the 
lips of American citizens to the evils of a system, which was every 
day growing more dangerous and disgraceful. A society moreover 
had been formed, and extensively and poweriully patronized, to di- 
vert the attention of the nation from the emancipation of the enslav- 
ed to the expatriation of the free. This, like a huge sponge, sucked 
up and absorbed those generous sympathies and christian sentiments, 
which alone could lead to wise and decisive action in behalf of holy 
freedom. 

Be it remembered, however, to the gloyy of God, who never leaves 
His truth without a witness, men all along were found in one place 
and another, whose bosoms yearned over the poor slave. Some of 
these nobly dared to offer their eyes to the blind ; their feet to the 
lame ; their tongues to the dun)b. In the face of prejudice, and 
spite and lordliness, they opened their lips in the cause of the op- 
pressed. They very slowly and gradually drew others into their 
sympathies and de.signs. At length, combined action, in the form of 
Anti-Slavery Societies, was publicly proposed. This furnished the 
nation with Ithuriel's spear. And the toad, which, unobserved, was 
breathing its venom into the ear of the republic, at its touch started 
up a devil ! From the hour, when a blind and int\iriated mob sacrile- 
giously broke into the Temple of God, to disperse a little band of 
fast, devoted, unflinching friends of human nature, met to form the 
New York City Anti-Slavery Society to the hour when a mob, equal- 
ly infuriated and blind, sacrilegiously broke into the Temple of God, 
to disperse the Convention of fast, devoted, unflinching friends of 
human nature, assembedto form the N. Y. State Anti-Slavery Society, 
the abolititionists have been assailed in almost every way, which mal- 
ice could prompt or cunning devise. Now, they have been held up 
to ridicule, scorn, and contempt ; and now to grave abhorence and 
deadly hate. Now, they have been represented as a Httle nest of 



32 

nddlu-heiided iojls aud fi-eir^ied luui'.tics, who could best be disposed 
of by being lot alone — passed by in silent neglect ; and now as a formi- 
dable band of conspirators, who were eager to till the republic with 
the flames of discord and the blood of insurrection — who could be 
satisfied with nothing short ofs-indcrlng the bonds of our Union and 
subverting the pillars of our Government ; and who ought to be op- 
posed by the arm of Legislation and the thunderbolts of War. The 
passions of our adversaries, getting the advantage of their reason, 
have driven them headlong into the strangest and most ridiculous in- 
consistencies. In the same breatl), thev have exhorted our fellow 
citizens to refuse to waste a thought upon us, and invited their atten- 
tion to what they held up as alarming, shocking expositions of our 
bad spirit and ill designs. In some places at the north, where stren- 
uous elforts were professedly employed to turn away from us the pub- 
lic eye and the public ear, " indignation — meetings" have been ap- 
pointed and a stout-lunged crier has been sent through the streets, to 
ring his bell and strain his throat with the astounding proclamation, 
that " our unwarrantable proceedings" were at a given time to be 
publicly exposed for the information and benefit of the entire com- 
munity. Vv hile at the south, it has been maintained as a capital 
point, that the slaves must be kept in ignorance of the doctrines and 
movements of their northern friends, vast assemblages of people in 
many places have been drawn together, furiously to denounce and 
spitefully to threaten the very men, whose existence and designs they 
would have kept as a^re«' secret ! Thousands of people have ea- 
gerly rushed to the places, v/here we had quietly assembled, and fil- 
led heaven and earth v.ith their mad clamor and v.ild tumult, in or- 
der by such silent neglect to make us see and feel what insignificant 
cyphers we were ! In order to preserve the dignity of our laws and the 
majesty of our constitutions from the touch of our hands, they have 
been i-eady to tear the one and the other into tatters and scatter them 
on the winds ! In order, amidst our so-called incendiary movements, 
to maintain the sublime integrity of the glorious Temple of Freedom, 
they have led into its very sanctuary drunken mobs, to mutter their 
blasphemies and swing their fire brands. They would cement the 
Union with the life-blood of those, whom the Union was formed to 
protect and to bless ! 

In one breath, oiu* adversaries tauntingly urge us to go to the south 
with our doctrines and designs ; in the next, with childish petulance, 
they scold at us for our temerity, in presenting our vieAvs, and im- 
pressing our motives upon the slaveholder. Not long ago, we were 
told, that we were too poor and weak, to make any impression up- 
on the system of .\merican slavery. In vain, we referred to the 
power of moral suasion. This was neither steam nor powder. Our 
arguments, warnings, intreaties — useless breath ! The master, calm- 
ly serene in the possession of his contented, grateful slaves, would 
laugh us to scorn. We could not reach his understanding, touch his 
conscience, or move his heart. He would scarcely trouble himself 



33 

enough to know, that we had an existence. Our philanthropy was 
mere poetry ; our logic, a string of glittering abstractions ; our best 
exertions, an idle beating of the air ! But the dwarf has become ai 
giant. Moral suasion, it is now seen and acknowledged, has power 
to reach the slaveholder with arousing, torturing effect. Now, he 
trembles with fear ; and now, raves with madness. At one time, he 
threatens us vvith the kidnapper's hand, or the assassin's knife, or the 
hangman's rope ; at an other, he calls upon our fellow citizens around 
us, to gag and throttle us. Full of wrath, he chivalrously throws in- 
to our face and eyes the often repeated declaration, that the guilt and 
misery which may prevail beyond the limits of the free states is no 
Concern of ours. In much the same style, in \\hich he lords it over 
his crouching, trembling vassals, he bids us mind our own business. 
Amidst the chains and whips,' the tears and blood, which southern 
oppression throws around us, he commands us to close our eyes, and 
shut up our ears, and steel our hearts, and hold our tongues. If we 
dare to open our lips in the cause of the enslaved, he is ready to 
*' bind himself by a great oath, that he will neither eat nor drink" 
''till he has broken the Union over our heads. 

Thus insulted and menaced for exercising a right, as obviously and 
inalienably our own, as the right to see the sun and breathe the air, 
the RIGHT OF FREE DISCUSSION, wc find in our own vicinity, men,- 
who enter into the feelings and adopt the language of the south. — 
From humanity, crushed and bleeding in the person of an enslaved 
brother, these men require us to withhold our sympathy and assist- 
ance. The only condition, on which they will consent to respect 
any of our rights is, that we join with them in trampling on all of his ! 
To bring us to bow to their dictation, they are trying the virtue of 
every sort of abuse. " Men of high degree, who are a lie," join 
with " men of low degree, who are vanity" in reducing us to silence ; 
the one by calling us hard names, and the other by throwing stones 
at us ! Thus, are we driven to the necessity of asserting our rights, 
as men, as Americans and as christians amidst wiles, tumults, and vi- 
olence, or submitting our necks to the yoke of slavery. 

We are thus brought to an awful crisis. The fearful responsibili- 
ties of the position, to which an unseen and resistless Hand has con- 
ducted us, we cannot refuse to see and feel. We must meanly sell 
our birthright for a " mess of pottage ;" or welcome the agonizing 
struggles, by which alone so invaluable an inheritance can be defend- 
ed and preserved. The chains, which were forged for the negro's 
limbs, the enslaver is resolved to fasten upon ours. To pause in our 
career — to relax our exertions in the cause of holy freedom, would 
be basely to lie down at his feet, and let him work his will upon us ! 
The violence of the advocates of slavery has driven things to such 
a posture, that 7iow at length the heart of the colored Atnerican can 
only be pierced through the bosom of the white American. 

Of any abolitionist, to whom we may have access, we would most 
affectionately and earnestly inquire ; are you prepared to sustain the 

5 



34 



resDonsibilities of the station, you have ventured to occupy? Yr 
responsiDim ^^ ^^^ ^^^^ „ ^,^^ ,^ ,vhich ra- 

ts all Lou:^"utLLns'you, .vUh Us deadly blect.on. On .hat 

'T^rScIuL^rScts, appropriate to our character, as aboli-/ 
tio^CK « -0^^ --^^^-^ to tM service, and rdy on the rcso.rces_ 
1/ /!;«/. .. tne God of tke oppressed. Any -bance nweb' A«- 
Ln, must prove vain and deceptive. Of the men, ^^'♦h^jl^^" ^^^ 
n.ay have been connected in thd transaction of ^"-ness ^vhat mm.- 
Beri can be found, uho are eager to sacrifice us «"/he altar of 1.ade^ 
■^'iien the grim demon of party clamors for our blood, how few ot 
our pol^t^cd fVi.nds have the courage to resist the --J-ous dema.^ 
How many have already brandished then' knives o ei the ^ ict m s 
head ^ No confidence can we place in cede slashed bonds. 1 oucli 
ed by the spirit of slavery like flax, touched by fire,th6y fall, dissolv- 
ed to ashes Of all our tempters at the north, none are more wfly 
or Ire fierce Vhan some of our professedly christian adyisc.-s. Of 
n 1 nnr malianors at the south, few have been more fiery m their de- 
nunc t ont Ho^ can we forget, that of the self constituted tribu-- 
nd ^^ich, in mockery of law and equity, condemned one^of our 
owi number, to publfc, cruel scourging-« rn.«^.r -- #-- f 
churehes ' We cannot confide in the ties ot kindred-the sympathy 
of b ood'. We have seen brother opposed to brother ; the son se 
un aAinst the father ! We cannot confide m ourselves. With cun- 
nWto seduce ; and malignity to threaten ; and power to intimidae 
us1)ur foes wil leave no stratagem or expedient untried, to entangle 
nnd overpower us. Woe to the man, wiio in such a cause as om 
mav dare to lean to his own tinderstanding ! Something more he will 
S than a hot- head, or stifle neck, or stout will, to l^ ear hini honora- 
bly through such a conflict as awaits us. The arm of <^- «^- /-* 

stLgth to sustain the shoek, to vdueh "^^^^V'^f uf n.av rest a sur- 
subservin- the cause of freedom, ive are for God, ^ve ma) lestassur 
ed thal^/. wOl he wUhus in supporting a cause so dear and sacied^ 
I isourhappmesstoknow,thatthe doctinnes, we mnmia.n^^^d 

tV^rnWects we pursue are in the strictest, fullest accordance with the 
the objects we puisuc a founfain head 



%:Z::JTZ^.o..ZnZr God is .he ve,,- foun,a,. h«.d 

^r !nn«npss The riohts of all His creatures are deaf to His 

of 'f ^^.^"gi^^:;,.,,,;^^^^^^ freedom has a bulwark, fixed and firm, as 
heart. In Hi^ go^elnmenl, u ^ j^jj^ Providence, 

;t::L'r.if r ;o..'i,ift:;!y "-> ,n ... h.,he.. dcgrc. 

Tan' story arc ..anifes.W vc-, vanous - --^ -^tUf t' i;; 

slavery s, tn^ie ai ^.^^^ dunghill weeds.— 

Ce arorc1xS,s.bg «:-.V;:ol.bo.gh.le.s prodijamy and showy 



35 

extravagance. The weight of the burdens and sufferings of the 
slaves, continually increasing with the growing extravagance and fol- 
4y, and passions of their master, must become at length intolerable. 
•There arc limits beyond which human endurance cannot pass. Bid- 
ding a proud defiance to their best friends and wisest counsellors, the 
•masters arc every day with suicidal violence, pushing the slaves right 
-onward towards those dreadful limits. Those slaves who are most 
■sternly bent on escaping from their chains, their masters with an in- 
fatuation falling little short of downright madness, are collecting to- 
•gether in those places where the rigors of servitude are most insuf- 
ierable. Thus they are indirectly, but etfectually marshalling an ar- 
my of fierce and fiery heroes, who, driven to desperation by insults 
:and injuries, may one day rush with resistless fury upon their op^ 
-pressors and tormentors. Where slavery is, the very soil seems to 
•be blighted by the curse of heaven. 

That the tendencies to which we have now briefly adverted, are 
«een and felt to be something more than airy abstractions, the loud 
■and frequent complaints of those who are connected with the sys- 
tem of American slavery, fully demonstrate. In what glowing and 
<errific terms do they not often describe their fears by day, and their 
terrors by night I How earnestly, nay passionately, do they not de- 
•precate the influence of Irec discussion — charging upon it a strong 
•tendency -to involve them in all the horrors of insurrection. What 
•agonizing, desperate efforts do they not make to keep their coasts 
-clear of every lover of Liberty! They can no more endure his pre- 
-sence than could the Gadarenes the presence of his master. The 
•scrutiny of his eye and the sound of his voice at any distance, howev- 
er great, tortures them ; and as if afraid of being tormented before 
/the time, they cry out, " Let us alone !" According to their own 
confession, great numbers of '* their best population," find a longer 
•continuance in the infected country intolerable. We only quote the 
language of one of their own journalists when we say that the 
■" hearts' blood of Virginia" is subject " to a dreadful drain," not like- 
ly soon to cease. 

Nothing but infatuation could lead the south to charge the evils in 
■which they are involved, the destruction to which they are exposed, 
to the account of abolitionists. Is the faithful surgeon to be curs- 
ed and smitten for seeing and describing the plague-spot which por- 
tends the death of his patient; — his speedy death, unless the most 
prompt and decisive remedies are employed ? If every abolitionist 
on the globe were silent in apostacy or death, the dangers which 
ihr^aten the sou-ih would by no means be diminished. These dan- 
gers are inherent to the si/stem of slavery. This system in which " all, 
iife dies, death lives, breeds 

Perverse, all monstrous, all prodigious things, 

Abominable, unutterable, and worse 

Than fables yet have feigned, or fear conceived." 

Cpuld tbis mother of aboniiuatioue seat herself upon th« silsnt 



3G 

grave of abolitionism, would she become less fearfully prolific ? 
Surely not. It is the harsh collision of slavery with the government of 
God, which shakes the south with such terrific thunder. And to charge 
its stunning peals and burning bolts to abolitionists' is to reproach 
man with the work of God! The south must break up their system 
of oppression, or break down His righteous government, if they would 
escape the plagues to which they stand exposed. While then, in all 
our designs, and methods, and exertions, we carefully conform our- 
selves to the government, of God, let us cohfiide in Him for direc- 
tion, support and success. Let us in subserving the cause of free- 
dom, illustrate the doctrines and enforce the precepts of His holy 
word. The arrangements of His Providence, revealing the natural 
tendency of things, let us employ v/ith whatever skill and power we 
have, to convince the nation that slavery is equally wicked and des- 
tructive. And let us prayerfully expect, that the spirit and the Prov- 
idence of God will make our doctrines and our doings eflicacious. 
Thus guided, cheered and sustained, v/e .shall be wise in wisdom, 
and strong in power, infinitely above our own ; the wisdom and the 
power of God. 

It becomes us, moreover, eagerly and gratefully to appropriate ta 
ourselves those lessotis of instruction, and those sources of consolation 
which the past history of the fast, unf inching, devoted friends of svf- 
fering humanity may furnish. His profound and accurate acquain- 
tance with human nature, our Saviour happily evinced, when he direc- 
ted His disciples under the pressure of persecution, to remember with 
exultation " the prophets, v^•ho were before them." A lie, however 
gross, by being frequently and confidently repeated, may not only for 
a time obtain general credit, but may cou^.e at length to be half be- 
lieved even by its author. The most upright, wise, and enterprising 
friend of his species may be in no small danger of so far listening 
to the calumnies which assail his reputation and wound his ear, as to 
regard his own integrity with painful and enervating distrust. The 
suspicion may creep upon his heart, that he may have given occa- 
sion to his eager and bitter maligners, to reproach and oppose him. 
His resolution and his strength may thus be greatly reduced. He 
may waver in his purpose and stagger in his course. Just here he 
may well be invited to listen to the voice of the Saviour, directing his 
attention to the history of those, who, in earlier ages exerted them- 
selves to improve the character and condition of mankind. These 
men are now universally admitted, even by his slanderers, to have 
been public benefactors. And yet in what light were their objects, 
methods, motives, represented generally by the devotees of honor, 
wealth and pleasure, by whom they were surrounded? 

Let us survey the shining track of the prophets and apostles, un- 
der the guidance and protection of Him " v.ho made Himself of no 
reputation." Let us study the history of the reformers — of the non- 
conformists under the tyranny of Elizabeth — of the puritans under 
the sway of the unprincipled Charles the First — of the dissenters un- 



37 

der the adiniiii.-UaUon of Pitt, the yorniger — of the English Anti- 
Siavery men of our own Jinti u former age. For asserting the princi- 
ples to which we adhere ; for promuigating the doctrines, in which 
we believe — for pursuing the objects to which we are devoted — for 
employing the methods which wc have adopted, those wise and holy 
men — those heroic and gigantic champions of human nature — those 
generous and efficient beneiactora of mankind were held up by the 
ambitious occupants of high places in Church and Slate, to general 
eonten^pt, scorn and* persecution, as ultraists, radicalists and hy- 
pocrites — as disturbers of the pu!)lic peace — the fees of their coun- 
try and the world. Thus traduced, they were subject to almost eve- 
ry species of annoyance, vexation, and distress. The grave states- 
man, the solemn divine, and stately scholar entered without hesitation, 
remorse, or shame, into a conspiracy v/ith the low jester, the reckless 
profligate and spiteful blasphemer to worry and devour them. Here 
they were exposed to the violence of mobs, and there to the penal- 
ties of law, and every where to such insults and injuries, as outlaws 
only are accustomed to receive. 

In obedience to our Saviour let us study, by night and by day let us 
earnestly study the history of those men, once covered with reproach 
and now with glory. With theirs, let us compare our ai.ms, exertions, 
spirit. In fellowship with thein, we need not be miOved by the slan- 
ders by which our adversaries would blacken our characters and 
blast our hopes. With our eye, moreover, fixed on their guilty and 
miserable persecutors, we may ascertain the condition and prospects 
of our own. A disposition to resent and retaliate, will give place to 
the spirit of pity and prayer, when our thoughts are directed to their 
dreadful end. Thus occupied, we could hardly refuse to appropriate 
to ourselves the pointed appeal which was once addressed on the au- 
thority of God, to the despondent Hebrews — " I, even I am He, that 
comforteth you ; who art thou, that thou shouldest be afraid of a man 
that shall die, and of the son of man, that shall be made as grass ; 
and forgettest the Lord thy maker, that hath stretched forth the heav- 
ens, and laid the foundations of the earth ; and hast feared every day 
because of the fury of the oppressor, as if he were ready to destroy? 
And where is the fury of the oppressor V Ah, vv'iih our eyes upon 
his dreadful end, we may well respond to the pointed appeal — where 
is the fury of the oppressor. 

And while we remember the propliets which were before us, how- 
can we despair of success ? Truth stands erect, serene, majestic, 
above the reach of the execrations, filth and stones, with which our 
adversaries would overwhelm her. She cannot be hissed out of 
countenance — cannot be crushed by violence, whatever may become 
of her advocates, she is great and must prevail. And her prevalence 
is our victory and glory. 

Well then may we be urged to extend to our oppressed brethren suck 
a measure of sympathy and assistance, as ive should think due to the 
Lord Jesus Christ, if He were placed in their circumstances. In the 



38 

*laims, which they have upon our benevolent regard, the Saviour, in 
the most solemn circumstances and in the most explicit and emphat- 
ic language, describes Himself as their representative. To make 
His description the more pointed and impressive, He selects the 
meanest of them all, and sitting him before us amidst the terrors and 
the glories of the day of judgement, authoritatively assures us that 
our regard (or him will be taken as our regard for our Saviour, Lord 
and Final Judge. " Inasmuch as ye have done it unto one of th^ 
least of these my brethren, ye have done it unto nse." Suppose then 
that in the District of Columbia, Jesus Christ had been seized, thrown 
into prison, loaded with irons, i^d v.ith bread and water. His bed a 
heap of straw, dragged forth at length to the public auction, rudely 
handled and grossly insulted by the throng which had assembled to 
bid upon his sacred person, driven under the lash of the task-master 
to the toils and sufferings of the helpless slave, cut off" from the sym- 
pathy of friends and the communion of saints, and doomed by the 
strong arm of law to perpetual and intolerable bondage with the hear- 
ty consent of the official interpreters of the bible, the ministers of re- 
hgion, the loud and lofty proiessors of universal philanthropy, what 
would our whole nature with a resistless impulse constrain us to at- 
tempt on His behalf ? Every fact in the history of His abduction, 
His imprisonment, His sale at the public auction. His connection 
with the man who claimed his bones and muscles. His soul and body 
as his property, we should lay hold of with the deepest interest. We 
should feel the weight of every buiden laid upon His shoulders ; the 
force of every blow with which His flesh was lacerated. The insults 
and the injuries heaped upon Him would be felt to be all our own. 
He would be continually present to our thoughts. Wherever we 
went, and whatever we did, we should see before us His sacred form, 
■loaded with chains. Thus the searching appeal, " Am I not a man 
and a brother," would in thunder tones be continually ringing in out: 
«ars. 

What would such appeals rouse us to attempt 1 No violence, sure- 
ly. By force of arms, we should not think of rescuing Him from 
servitude, lest the rebuke which once constrained Peter to return his 
sword to its sheath, should fall heavily upon us. In an efl'ort to sub- 
serve the cause of our Saviour, we should feel bound to cherish the 
temper of our Saviour, the spirit of strong faith, fervent love, and 
earnest prayer. Our weapons, however, while they were not carnal, 
would still be mighty. We should improve every opportunity, and 
employ every lawful means, and strain every nerve, to work in the 
bosoms of all around us, a deep sense of the mighty wrongs which 
were inflicted on the Saviour. In tnoral suasion, more powerful than 
the edge of the sword, we should find the very instrument, which, 
well directed and skilfully wielded, could not fail under God to work 
deliverance for our Saviour. With what energy and decision should 
we not exert ourselves in an enterprise so dear to earth and heaven ? 
What an honor shojild we not count it to consecrate our talents and 



3D 

our wealth to an object so sublime and heavenly ? Nor should vr4 
pause in our upward course, whatever obstacles might be wantcnlr 
or malignantly thrown in our wav. We should not count our lives 
dear to us, it' in finishing the work committed to us, such a sacrifice 
were demanded. 

T^ hile then, beloved brethren, you remember that in each of the 
two million two hundred and fifty thousand slaves in our republic, 
you have kneeling in silent agony before you, one, who in his claims 
upon your affectionate regard and benevolent exertions is an accred- 
ited representative of your Saviour, we cannot admit the thought for 
a moment, that you can relax vour eflbrts in the cause ef holv Iree- 
dom. ^^ ith a fervent spirit, a praverful heart, and a firm step, vou 
will hold on your wav. You will never relax your exertions till the 
system of American slavery is utterly, universally, and forever abol- 
ished. 

To your work and vour reward vou have direct and fiee access. 
Yoii need not inquire who shall plead the cause of the oppressed in 
the legislatures of the slave-holding States. Tou have ground of 
your own, where your own representatives wait to know vour will ; 
men, who are sacredlv bound to listen with respectful attention and 
a candid spirit to your arguments and appeals in behalf of the dumb. 
The District of Columbia is before vou. No just authority on earth 
can forbid you there to exert your inlluence and put forth your pow- 
ers. And remember that whatever mav be done in the cause of free- 
dom there, cannot but affect the whole republic. The blow, which 
there may break the servile yoke, will shake it from the neck of ev- 
ery slave in the nation. 

When shall that blow be struck ? Every hour'o delay makes the 
task more arduous. It is as obvious, as it is afflictive, mortifying and 
portentous, that with every hour the men in this country who aspire 
after the distinctions of aristocracy, are becoming more thoroughly 
infected with t'le spirit of slavery. What numbers can be found, who 
only a few years ago nobly opposed what they now meanly flefend — 
the foulest system of oppression, ^hich ever afflicted and disgraced 
the world I Some of these are even attempting to prepare the public 
mind to see a new shield thrown over southern slavery in northern 
legislation. We cannot aflbrd to lose a moment. The attention of 
the nation is now aroused. The public ear is open. The dastard- 
ly and ruthless hands, which have attempted to strangle free discus- 
sion, have cleared the way before us. Those clamors, in which they 
have assaved to drown our voices, have roused up myriads of sleep- 
ers. Rising from their slumbers, they are demanding the cause of 
this strange disturbance. Now is the time to speak. If wc permit 
the present general excitement to pass awav, without making it pow- 
erfully subservient to the cause of holy freedom, the heart of the na- 
tion will harden into flint-stone ; to be broken only by the thunders of 
the Avenger of the oppressed. Everv moment is pregnant with re- 
sults of unutterable magnitude. Let ns repair then, to the altar of 



40 

God, and in the spirit of the martyr consecrate ourselves under Je- 
sus Christ our Lord to the Redeinplion of bleeduig humanity ! 



EXTRACTS FROM LETTERS ADDRESSED TO THE 

CHAIRMAN OF THE CONVENTION. 

Dover, N. H., Oct. 16, 1835. 
To the Chairmayi of the A. S. Convention, to he holden in Uiica the 2lstinst. : 

Sir — Having been appointed by tlie Board of Managers of the N. H. A. S. 
Society, as a delegate to attend your convention, allow me to express the regret 
T^fhich I feel in not being able to fulfil that appointment. To mintrle in your 
councils and to bear with you some humble instrumentality, in advancing the 
christian and patriotic enterprise upon which you are to deliberate, would afford 
me the highest gratification. But circumstances beyond my control prevent my 
attendance. I cannot, however, forbear to express the very deep interest which 
I feel in your meeting, and especially in the result of your proceedings. My 
prayer to God is, that your deliberations and decisions may be characterised by 
wisdom, the " wisdom which is from above," by energy, and an inflexible adher- 
ence to the great and distinctive principles of our cause. 

It appears to me that the slavery question has now arrived at a very interest- 
ing juncture, when it is especially important that the friends of libert}' should 
stand firm to their principles. [Any flinching on the part of the friends of im- 
mediate emancipation, at this time, might seriously prejudice our cause and throw 
us back to a distance from which we should not soon recover.] 

Notwithstanding the fierce opposition which we have experienced for a few 
months past, I believe that the principles of liberty are steadily advancing, for 
though principalities and powers are marshalled against us; though the oppos- 
ing wave roll fearfully onward, there is an under current evidently setting strong- 
ly the right way. 

No enterprize appears to mc of such magnitude as the one which calls 5'ou 
together. I love the Bible, Temperance, Missionary and other benevolent in- 
stitutions of the age, but what heart can I have to labor for the heathen on the 
other side of the Globe, while more than two millions of my own countrymen 
are doubly heathenized, legally and systematically shut out from the light of life ? 
How can I escape the charge of hypocrisy and gross inconsistency, if, while I 
labor for the one I neglect the other ' " These ought ye to have done and not 
to leave the other undone." 

Sir, this abomination must be rolled out of the way. It is indispensable to 
our country's prosperity and to the world's redemption. The most formidable 
obstacle now, to the complete and speedy triumph of our enterprise, I do not 
hesitate to say, is the reluctance to action manifested by so many of our beloved 
christian brethren. If the friends of Zion of different denominations, and es- 
pecially the ministers of the Gospel, would come up cordially to this great work, 
and present a united and firm phalanx, the horrid system of slavery, in our land, 
could not long endure. The minister of Christ who stands back from action in 
these times scotches the wheels of this enterprize and lends his influence to per- 
petuate slavery. 



41 

To conclude, allow me to say, sir, our reliance nuist ha upon God, upon chrie- 
h;ui principle. Let all that rve do, be accompanied with prayer, and with a deep 
sense of our dependence upon God for the success of our efforts and measures. 
With these suij'Tcstions, permit me to say, that though necessarily absent in 
body, be assured, I am present with you in spirit, and my prayer is, and shall b», 
*iiat the God of the oppressed may guide your counsels. 

V.'ith sen'iments of great respect, I am yours, &c. 

DAVID ROOT. 



Bedfoud, October 15, 1835. 

Most fully do I concur with you as to the importance of the proposed conven- 
tion, but your partiality leads you to overrate the importance of my presence in 
it. Our hopes of success are founded under God, on the truth of our principles, 
the uprightness of our intentions, and the lawfulness of our measures; uncon- 
nected with politics, and having no object whatever tut to persuade our fellow 
citizens of the north and of the souih, that the black man is equally with tho 
white, entitled by his Creator to be treated with justice and hnmanlly ; abolition- 
ists are but little dependent on any of their associates, except as their agents. 

Domestic engagements will put it out of my povi'er to meet wiih you on the 
21st ; may He in whose cause we are embarked, direct ind prosper your consul- 
tations, to the advancement of his glory, the good of his church, and the safety 
and welfare of our common country. 

That slaverj' will uUimately cease, it would be both foolish and sinful lo doubt. 
The experience of past ages, the example and spirit of the ])rpsent, and the de- 
clarations of prophecy, ail announce its doom; but its dying struggles will pro- 
bably be viole:;t and protracted. It is to be expected, that v-jhere there is a com- 
petition for southern trade, and southern votes, large numbers will en the subject 
of slavery, be more governei! by interest, than by conscience. Hence most of the 
p.nti-abolition measures, are mere matters of cour.se. arid should excite neither 
surprise nor alarm. The most painful and disheartening indication of the times 
in relation to slaveiy, is the apatiiy or rather complacency wi'h which it is re-^ 
garded by the church. We are daily entreated by the ministers of the Most 
High, to send bibles and missionaries to the ends of the earth, while too many 
of these very ministers seem to be utterly indiflerent to the welfare of a nation 
kept in compulsory healheriisni in the very niids', of us — thej' inculcate the moral- 
ity of the gospel but refrain from condemning a system which outrages every 
precept of that rriorality — they pray that the kingdom of G d may come, and his 
will be done, and yet refuse to aid in removing what Ihey well know must while 
it remains, render their prayers fruitless — nay, some of them glory in proclaim- 
ing to the world that they are not abolitionists ! 

Let us my dear sir, nut only pray, but work and let us joyfully bear a reproach 
Vvliich we may be assured will not follow us to the bar of our Maker; yet let us 
ever remember in all humility and watchfulness, that our efforts to be accepted 
there, must be prompted by christian principle, and conducted in a christian spi- 
rit. Yours, very respectfully, 

WILLIAM JAY. 

Gloucester, (Mass.) Oct. 19, 1835. 
It is like a cordial to my spirit, to receive the notice aivon by your A. S. S., 
and its invitation to a state convention, ab:)ut to be held at Utica ; and had it 
been in my power to have been with you, in that meeting, this soul feels, that it 
would have been as its highest joy to have mingled w th those free-born souls, as 
if a drop were added to the collection of waters prepared for washing away our 
national stains, which render us a reproach amongst the nations, and fearful *o 



4^ 

aurselves. I inost heartily re;<ponJ to th« senthnenti* expresarif in cofinexioir 
with the invitat'on, which has come across state boundaries, even to me as one 
holJing the principles of the Am. A. S. S. I believe that we have arrived at 
such a crisis in our political morals, tliat the most cordial co-operation and ener- 
getic action of the friends of human rights are now demanded ; and that upon 
the iidsue of the present conflict, very seriously depend the cause of humanity 
and reli<non, at least, in this Ian i so boasied, free. A.nd I trust that He who 
hears the sighs of the oppressed, v-.i!l liy the spirit of His wisdom be present 
with you in all 3'our deliberations, and inspire you with that zeal which shall be 
imitative of our blessed liord and Saviour — bringing good to man, and glory to' 
God. This proposed convention remmds me of that held nearly two years since 
in Philadelphia, which I had the privilege to attend — the object of which was 
iwi to rouse the nation to arms, but to promote humble repentance for our na- 
tion's sins, and to prepare ourselves to do what we can as citizens, chr'stians antJ 
philanthropists, for the removal of the most unrighteous, debasing desBotisra> 
from our midst. How any patriot or any true lover of liberty — any one with the' 
feelings of a man, when in view of fellow beings unrighteously «uflering, can 
withhold his active commiseration, seems hard to interpret. At any rate, the an- 
swer, if made most charitably, would not appear very consistent with the princi- 
ples which such an one claims to hold. The like might be said, with a thrice 
ibrcible emphasis, in relation to the amazing indifference and even opposition,- 
which this cause meets from some of our professedly christian brethren and 
friends. I5ut perhaps the desire on the part of some rather to suffer peaceably 
than to gain, by moans of strife, that which is justly their due, may serve as 
some apology for the neutrality which they think it safe to hold. 1 cannot, how- 
ever, deem that to be innocent which leadis either patriot or christian to regard 
our civil code as so perfect, infallible a rule of justice and guaranty of right to 
all, that rh«re is no opportunity isor call,, for the salutary moral influence of the 
one, or for the prompt conscientious i)olilical action of the other. But what,, 
dear sir, is the stirring cause for calling this convention / Is it the mere i/icofi-- 
vcnicnce of having a portion of men classed with the brute beasts 1 Or is it te' 
defend your right of speech, in counting men as men, and horses as horses, and' 
despots, in the fair garb of liberty, as despots still 1 Is it to wake up an ekt- 
political grudge which ought to be forgotten, and lay the charge of our misfor-' 
tunes ou the head of the dead, and there to sing a requium to your vengeance T 
0r is it in view of our national guilt, which has, for ths last seventy years, been- 
gathering as a dark, dense cloud, and which, with frequent flpsh, full charged' 
with judgments, now threatens to burst upon those whose hands are stained witli 
the blood of the enslaved, and on the whole mass of their abetters ? Ah, this 
is it — this rt is — you seem to answer, which has moved to the call of such a 
convention. This is the subject which will lie before the meeting. May Jeho- 
vah, then, who hears the cries of the humble, and regards the groans of the op- 
pressed, give you wisdom and strength, so to raise your voices, that the cry o£ 
fanaticism and radicalism, shall be hushed ; whilst repentance and righteous- 
ness and peace shall, as a pure river cf life flow over every portion of our land.. 
And then shall our nations banner be washed pure of the stains of slavery — 
and this ensign of Liberty, pointing to our land as the refuge of the oppressed, 
shall be cheered with the favoring smiles of the Most High, and reflect light ami 
joy over a world, the dark jilaces of which arc full of the habitations of cruelty. 
But if we are to suf.cr by seeking this blessing, what then 1 I have suffered,, 
and if still called to sutler in this cause, it is my hope never to forget to plead 
for mercy and right towards my brethren and sisters in bonds. 
Accept this as the voice of Yours. 

In the cause of mercy and right. 

D. E. JEWETT. 



43 

CiNciNNiiTT, Oct. 12, 1855. 

********** 

The formation of an Anti-Slavery Society for the state of New York, is, at 
this juncture, a most important movement. It made my henrt rejoice when I 
heard that such a thing was in contpmplation — and my desire is behind no 
one's, that it may be made as beneficially instrumental in advancing the cause 
-of righteousness as its projectors intend it to be. 

The demands of the south are insolent in the extreme — an outrage on all the 
principles and usages of a free people. As insulting as they aie, and fitted as 
■they are to arouse the most indignant snd unsparing retort, yet do I trust that 
jfour convention will meet them with the calm dignity of men who know their 
rights — and knowing, dare, in the fear of God, to maintain them. The south 
demands of you a surrender of the onl^^ safeguard of liberty. What will be 
left, that is precious, of this republic — when the freedom of speech and the lib- 
erty of the press shall have been desttoyed? Nothing. Yet these hive been 
•demanded of 3^ou — and for what equivalent in return! That you may enjoy 
the profits of slavery, and the fiivor of the oppressor of his fellow. Is this suf- 
•ficicnt for the north ! Have the friends af liberty every where so mistaken her ? 
is it true that she is willing, at the command of the slaveholder, not less dicta- 
itorial than when delivered, whip in hand, to his helpless slave, come before him, 
suppliantly beg his pardon for thinking and speaking as freemen, and submis- 
sively lay at his feet, aJl that is dear to us and to our country 1 Can it be, that 
the ver}' first generation of your revolutionary fathers think that slavery is dcai-- 
er and more precious than the glorious principles for which their sires contend- 
ed 1 I will not yet believe it. Still will I trust there is in our land a redeem- 
ing spirit — a spirit of InUh, rdigiou and libcrlij, that can be roused ; and, being 
roused, will shake off this vile incumbrance, ilavcry, as easily as the lion shakes 
the dew-drop troin his mane. 

I need not say, I have no apprehension, that there will be a surrender by the 
convention of any principle. I feel confident, there will not. Let it be felt that 
^tjie struggle in which we are engaged, has become one on whose result is haz- 
arded, not only the freedom of the black man, but of ourselves, our children, our 
country, the world. We can yield no principle without weakening, if not destroy- 
ing, ourselves. I could say much, but I am compelled to desist. May the spirit 
oi the Lord direct your proceedings. 

Youi." friend, and fellow laborer, 

JAMES G. BIRNEY. 



ScHEXECTiDY, N. Y., Oct. 12, 1835. 

The undersigned, members of Union College, to the New York State Anti- 
Slavery Convention : 

If we look around on our country, we see one-si.xth of our population in the 
lowest depths of degradation. We see them considered and treated as brutes 
and as " chattels, personal," liable at any time as may suit the interest or the 
caprice ol irresponsible masters to be bought and sold. They are slaves in a 
•" land of liberty." The}' are slaves in the " freest nation in the world." They 
are debased in the midst of the most enlightened people. They are heathens 
in a " land of Bibles and of religion." Ignorant in the midst of intelligence. — 
They are, by an abrogation of God's holy law, deprived of those privileges which 
we consider as essential in the securing of our own sslvation. All this wicked- 
ness has been and is now sustained by men calling themselves christians ; it is 
not condemned by the christian church. The whole system is sanctioned and 
perpetuated by the public sentiment of tho nation. 

This state of things calls loudly for the vengeance of the Almighty upon us, 
,and renders our vcr}' existence as a nation more than problematical. We be^ 



44 



lleve that this deplorable state of things is a siv ; by consequence, it ODght im- 
mediately to ce-.ise. That it may cease, we pledge cur efforts to co-opernte ■witli 
you in hTstening th:it time when the sentiments — both in letter and spirit — of 
Ihe " Decli'.ration cf Independence," shall be acknowledged, and ■' equal rights" 
shall be the watchword of ail. 



Peter Snvder, 
A. Mc rseil, Jr. 
A. Reid. 
P. S. Danforth, 
R. L. Smith, 
W. H. Backus, 
J. F. Wells, 
J. W. Lon^e, 
Henry H. Loomis, 
H. H. Loomis, 
Geo. L. Le Rovr, 
C. Bradley, 
S. Absl, 
L D. Baldwin, 



I. G. Durgee, 
S. W. Stoddard, 
T. Spencer, 
Wm Erwin, 
A. P. Phelps, 
P. J. Timlow, 

C. Leavenworth, 
S. Perry, 

The. Stalker, 
E. B. Vedder, 
J. M. Austin, 
R. Doi^, Jr. 
J. E. Lansing, 

D. Swo'ee, 



D. C. Frost. 
H. Vv. Gilbert, 

D. Kelrv, 
S. VV. Hall, 
0. N. Stodard, 
C. W. Torrey, 
Geo. J. King, 
J. F. Scovill, 
S. S. Leighton, 
J. 0. Hill, 

Wm. K. Mc Dougall, 

E. F. Cushman, 
M. Hall, 

E. H. Kawley. 



NAMES OF THE DELEGATES TO 

SLAVERY CONVENTION, 

OCT. 21, 1835. 



J. G. Prentiss, 

J. Bradley, Esq. 

A. Xeely, 

C. Waterbury, 

T. Crane, Jun. 

E. Hal!, 

J. M. Eetchum, 

O. P. Conklin, 

O. H. Havens, 

E. Eddy, 

Mr. Perry, 

Rev. H. Snyder, 

W. Avery, 

E. Lee, 

Rev. G. Spalding, 

J. S. Fitch, 

J. Copland, jun. 

Rev. S. Hawley, 

J. W. Fox, 

S. Carver, 



S. S. Bradford, 
Rev. F. Shipperd, 
G. Gemel, 
L S. Plait, 
V/. Dewey, 
Rev. J- A. Hart, 
E. McAll, 
B. Basset, 
I. i-'latt, 
W. Burr, 
G. Dean, jun. 
J. P. McCord, 
E. Caijfield, 
S. Thompson, 
Rev. A. JParmclee, 
L. A. Skinner, 
E. A. Marsh, 
A. George, 
Rev. W. Child-, 
Rev. W. Arthur, 



THE STATE ANTI- 
IN UTICA, 

R. Lyman, 
H. Pecnix, 
R. Gould, 
I. C. Erovvnson, 
C. Caulkins, 
R. Jackson, 
A. Scofield, 
Dr. D. Bingham, 
J. M., Andrews, 

0. C. Brov.n, 

1. Mills, 
T. JU'avi?, 
A. TVarrincr, 
O. Prescolt, 
E. Kolccmb, 
J. Bnnce, 

G. Cross, 

Vv'. B. Armstrong, 

PJev. H. Jones, 

J. A. Northrup, jun. 



45 



L. Smith, 
H. Smith, 
Rev. E. Childs, 
H. L. Hammond, 
Rev. E. E. Pool, 
T. B. Wataoii, esq. 
Rev. H. Foot, 
Vt . J. SavciCTe, 
I. Bowen, 
JL. Lam=on, 
L. Bush.-iell, 
Gen. J. A Xortbrop, 
Dr. D. Perrv, 
Rev. J. L. Crandall, 
A, K. Hinsdale, 
R. Sleeper, esq. 
Rev. J. Ingersol, 
W. M. Clark, 
A. Kiogabtiry, esq. 
H. Ta.T Dresser, 
Rev. J. W, Spoor, 
M. Tucker, 
E. Le%vis, 
J. M. Parker, 

A. Gilbert, 

B. Snow, 

J. Foot, esq. 

J. C. Burne;!, 

J. W. Pratt. 

D. C. Tannerman, 

Dr. F. Rice, 

A. Ravmand, 

A. B. Deforest, 

R. Brown, 

I. M. Diamond, 

L. W. Gilbert, 

Rev. J. Leavitt, 

L. Tappan, 

W. A. Holdnse, 

J. H. Parker," 

D. Kennedy, 

L. C. Gunn, 

J. Crajin, 

D. Rugsles, 

W. Erving. 

G. Davidson, 

A. Scewarr, 

J. Snvder. 



Rev. S. H. Gndler, 

Rev. A. Enai=, 

S. F. PhcEnix, 

J. Ancr-'jws, 

Dr. A. Frank, 

L. ThorapsoD, jua. 

E. Walker, 

TV. Buxton, 

S. Fisher, 

J. Tv . Adams, 

E. Star.ford, 

E. Lewis, esq. 

E. Lewis, 

J. M. Cas-sem, 

W. Cotton, 

S. ?Iarsb, 

^T. Everts, 

E. Sears, 

C. R. Couiinj, 

E. B. Gaiusha, 

G. Dorrcace, 

A. TVillianas, 

T. Brirht, 



E. C 



ampoeii. 



A. A. PooU 

X. Shaolev, 

Dr. M.Barnet:. 

S. Meade. 

3L W. Leland, 

R. C. Palmer. 

J. F. Jones, 

W. Clark, 

Tv'. Farweii, 

E. A. Lambert, 

J. F. Robinson esq. 

A. B. Runasey, 

B. Sa^Te. 

R. G.'\VilIiam?, 
G. H. \Vni:p. 
G. A. Dv.ns-ht, 
Dr. T. Pi'.ts, 
T. O. Buckmaster, 
Rer. A. lugersoi, 
J. Tryon, 
S. R. Hathaway, 
J. T. Trotter, 
J. C. Dshng, 
Rev. O. Wetmor«, 



O. F. Parker, 
P. Pettibone, 
X. Smith, 
Rev. M. Smith, 
O. Stevens, 
TT. P. St. Johns, 
C. Bascom, 
F. B. Ward, 
J. Gloucester, 

E. Rogers, 

A. E. Coleasaa, 

F. Dans, 
H. rJA- , 

w. Kv^-c;;, 

C. Grant, 

H. Berrien, 

Rer. L. Wflcoi, 

J. iletcaif, 

E. H. Payson, 

TT. ?<Iorse, 

L. Weaver, 

Rev. Vt. B. Tomoki::,, 

C. B. Lord, 

W. Z. Wilson, 

i. ii-euogg, 

G. Xeedbam, 
W. Elder, jun. 
E. Gionard, 
W, Green, jim. 
R. Cunningham, 
Rex-. S. Beeman, 
J. W. Hi^^gins, 
Rev. D. Clark, 
C. Whitteisey, 
E. Wright, jac. 
S. D. Childs, 
W. S. Dorr, 

W. H. Blackford, 
?«I. 1 lay, sen. 
A. Freeman, 
V» . Hammel!, 
C. H. Keamore, 
Dr. J. W. Smitfa, 
C. Crocker, 
R. V\'. Smell. 
S. Keiicgg, 
S. Lightbody. 
Rev. A. Savag". 



46 



ReT. J. B. Shaw, 
Rev. B. Green, 
Dr. N. Sherrill. 
Rev. H. Blodgctt, 
H. Bingham, 
S. Lyman, 
Rev. E. Fairchild, 
Rev. A. Mills. 
J. A. Reed, 
J. Wells, 

F. D. Porter, 
R. Seymour, 
L. Prince, 
W. Gates. 

J. G. Kellogg, 
J. Prescott,^^ 
C, McLane, 
\V. B. Rawson, 
J. Dodge, 
W. S. Gale, 
Dr. A. Holbrook. 
A. Hitchcock, 

G. Stedman, 
A. Hunt, 

A. Guv, 

F. A. Grav, 
W. H. Gr'av, 
J. P. Guest, 
Rev. S. Wells, 
N. Miller, 

H. P. Barnes, 

B. D. White, 
jE, M. Higby, 
J. S. Grjtfin, 
A. D. Barbour, 
H. Elmer, 

Rev. A. Sedffwick, 
Dr. A. Blair,^ 
Rev. J. Frost, 
J. Tibbitts, 

G. Butler, 
A. Seymour, 
Dr. E. Loomis, 
J. Townsend, jun. 
M. S. Losev, 

T. McFarland, 
W. Buchanan, 
W. K. Tibbitts. 



I. Grant, 

D. Foster, 

.S. B. Roberts, esq. 
H. G. Loomis, 
A. Hotchkiss, 
J. S. Lattimore, 
G. L. Dickinson, 
J. P. Guest, 
J. F. Temple, 

E. Barnes, 

J. Yanderhevden, 

0. Kendall, ' 
J. J. Ward, 
A. Wells, 

1. Thurber, 

O. N. Worden, 
L. P. Rising, 
T. M. Martin, 
J. Clark, 

C. R. Beadle, 
L. S. Kellogg, 
H. Xewland, 
R. C. Thomas, 
R. Debnam, 
David Lynus, 
Rev. C. Averv, 
Rev. H. H. Kellogg, 
Dr. S. W. Stewart, 
J. Powel, 

W. Alexander, 
Rev. E.-H. Men-ell, 
S. H. Skinner, 
J. Skinner, 
M. Prentiss, 
G. Havs, , 
Dr. E.'Judd,' 

D. Shapley, 
Mr. Prescotti 
W. Gates, 
R. Seymour, 
L. Prince, 

Dr. A. H.' Kellogff, 

J. Wood, 

N. Cobb, 

D. A. Holbrook, 

L. Bliss, 

G. Pocock, 

J. Mann, 



(". Ramis, 
H. Crane, 
A. Gray, 
F. A. Gray, 
V. S. Lovell, 
J. \V. Wood, 

F. A. Spencer, 
J. F. Griffin, 
S. P. Hough, 
W. Smith, 

R. Tvler, 
A. D'. Barber, 
S. Bryant, 
H. Elmer, 

C. C. Mitchell, 
A. 3IcKel]ur, 

G. Waldo, 

J. O. Wattles, 
P. A. Anderson, 
A. G. Beeman, 
J. A. Canfield, 
W. B. Ransom, 

D. C. Wilbour, 

F. C. Wood worth, 
A. Frissett, 
CD. Wolcott, 

C. F. Parraelee, 
H. P. Ward, 

A. Robinson, 
S. Parmele, 
R. Pratt, 

C Judson, 

B. S. Groves, 

J. Townsend, esq. 

G. St. George, 
R. Ellinwood, 
A. Flint, 

M. Bray ton, 

I. Xorton. 

I. TS orton, jun. 

D. Burrows, 
F. Southworth, 
S. Storrs, 

S. H. .Addington, 
J. T. Lvman, 
S. 31 Ferine, 
W. L. Roffers, 
W. G. Milter, 



4f 



n. L , 

T. I^ ' 
M 

T. P 
L- I. . 



Ff 



J. Thcfras. 

P. r ' 

G >. 



±-. <> Wara, 
if- l-.-'rrsi^ 
P. R-i'ar'SijiLj 
T. Miller. 

G M^r. 

Rer. R. E- Denantng. 
ReT. a Pir-c^r. 
ReT. .V . i: i_c-. 
E- iL S. Ti'.e-csr. 
Rev. L Petrizcne. 
Jofcn Wa:r. 
H- Winer. 
W. iL Beece-. 




- 




T' 






- - 




r'iS, 


Z. L 




- 




' . 


-3. 


'-7 


- i_ 




- ZJiC. 


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^/»3«1W»^ 






V 



G^ L- Ls Rav. 
Ber. C. - SLzcT^, 
G. Ml iOer. Z^c 
Dr. S. BJiaa- 



UcY. M. H^irison, 
E. Patterson, 
J. S. Judd, 
Rev. N. Culver, 
Dr. H. Corliss. 
W. H. Worcev, 
Rev. T. Powell, 
J. F. Scovill, 
A. P. Beebee, 
Dr. C. Cook, 
C. Foster, 
A. B. Smith, 
J. C. Hathaway, 
Rev. R. Robinson, 
Rev. M. Tucker, 
A. H. Stevens, 
T. C. Baker, 
J. C. Jackson, 
A. S. Savage, 
W. Goit, 
J.Clark, 
E. Gritiin, 
Rev. L. Mvrick, 
C. Marshall, 
R. McFarland, 
S. Cole, 
I. T. Ileadly, 
N. Marvin, 
K. Savage, 
G. Sherman, 

DEL 

Col.- George IT. Le 
Seth Strong, Esq 
Moses Breck, 
Hart Leavitt, 



48 

G. A. Averv, 
V.'. \V. Reid, 
O. N. Bush, 
0. Saue, 

B. Fish, 

O. F. Avery, 

H. B. Sherman, 

G. A. Hollisler, 

R. Green, 

A. Gould, 

E. Strong, 

S. S. Nichols, 

E. F. Marshall, 

A. Nortun, 

Hon. H. Brewster. 

Rev. A. G. Hall, 

Ksv. R. Ciapp, 

Rev. R. De Forest, 

T. Blossom, 

O. Sl:ne, 

J. Bloss, 

L. ^I. Moore, 

E. ]Moore, 

M. Atvvater, 

Rev. A. P. Brooks, 

S. Stanley, 

C. C. Foote, 
C. Averv, 

Rev. I. F. Averv, 



C. P. Bush, 
A. I. Burr, 
S. Ellicott, 
E. Siillson, 
S. Davis, 
P. Cherry, 
Rev. R. Clapp, 
Rev. E. Wheeler; 
]). Forset, 

D. Crouch, 
Rev. I. I. Fulton, 
S. Cornell, 

L. \Y. Sibley, 
S. Hamilton, 
?>I. Galusha, 
A. Nuby, 
H. Iverson, Jr. 
C. N. Mattoon, 

E. B. Crane, 

H. N. Robinson, 

F. S. How, 
J. Mosher, 
S. Sawlell, 

G. Donah, 
J. Talman, 

R. R. Palmer, 
A. B. Smiili, 
C. INiosher, 
S, A. Rawson, 



EGATES FROM OTHER STATES. 

avitt, Z\Iass. Rev. George Storrs, N. 



Phileman Bliss, Ohio, 
Albert Bliss, " 



H- 



The above list of names was principally taken at Peterboro, at the 
meeting of the society the next day after the convention. The con- 
vention at Uiica was broken up by a mob and the delegates dispersed 
soon, so that no roll of the delegates was there made. Efforts have 
been made to procure the nan.es of all those delegates who arrived 
at Utica, but from many counties represented in the convention we 
have been unable to procure the names of the delegates. It is confi- 
dently believed, that could we procure all the names, the number 
would be swelled to nine hundred or one thousand. 



Note. — Hexry White, M. D., of Yorkton, Westchester county, lias been 
appointed Vice President, in the place of John Owen, declined. 



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